The so-called alternative regionalism is becoming a popular concept of late particularly given the increasing role and importance of non-governmental element, or civil society, also commonly referred to as the track-three, in the institutional development and community building of Southeast Asia. Despite the widespread use of the terms, there is yet a common understanding amongst relevant actors in the regionalisation process as to what alternative regionalism actually entails of. The theoretical and practical debates on and about alternative regionalism in Southeast Asian context has been minimal and far from sufficient. Given the increase dynamics of civil societys efforts to reform ASEAN, alternative regionalism, or the concept attached to it, will hold an important position in the analysis of civil society dynamics in Southeast Asian regionalism. This paper is one of the few attempts that have been initiated by scholars and activists from within the region that tries to fill this gap. More importantly, it is also an effort to provide greater clarity of the dynamics attached to civil societys engagement with ASEAN as a whole.

Key findings:

• In its own context, alternative regionalism is certainly in the making in Southeast Asia, and civil society is playing a crucial role in promoting it. Various actors in Southeast Asian regionalisation process have different ideas as to what alternative regionalism entails of in the ASEAN context. One common thread in the promotion of alternative regionalism amongst these non-state actors is the question of the participation of the people in ASEAN policy-making process.

• Alternative regionalism in the Southeast Asian context should, therefore, involve a spontaneous, bottom-up process that recognises the importance of wide range of stakeholders in the making of regional systems and institutions.

• Whilst, historically, ASEAN is not immune to engagement with civil society actors, such engagement is still limited to a handful economic actors and members of the academic community. The ability of wider civil society actors, such as non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and community based organisations (CBOs), to work independently and to tackle issue-specific challenges confronted by the region have made these non-state actors natural partners for ASEAN to pursue its regional projects.

• Wider civil society groups are now increasingly motivated to engage ASEAN not only because of the expansion of the areas of cooperation of the Association, but also because they see the potential of ASEAN in bringing about positive development in the region, including, inter alia, the promotion of human rights and sustained economic development.

Key recommendations:

• Given its limited experience in engaging with civil society a well as the growing demand of these actors to be more involved in the decisions that affect the 550 million people of the region, ASEAN needs to work fast to institutionalise its engagement with these non-state groups.

• ASEAN must realise that the people of the region and their ideas are extremely diverse. Consequently, it should develop the systematic mechanism to ensure the accommodation of concerns and aspirations of different layers of society throughout Southeast Asia.

• Most importantly, however, there should be an increase understanding between ASEAN and civil society groups on how each would see the future the grouping and the region.

The issues around food security and agriculture in Southern Africa are dynamic, complex, uncertain and difficult to address. This report is an attempt at understanding the current situation and the driving forces i.e. the underlying social, political, environmental and technological trends that will affect the future of agriculture in the region. It stems from a scenario planning exercise with regional partners that employed structured strategic conversations from multiple perspectives as a tool to identify critical uncertainties that affect food security and agriculture. The result is a report that identifies a range of threats, opportunities, trends and outcomes of Southern Africas agricultural futures.

Key findings:

• Increased investment in African agriculture is a medium term possibility, since historic underinvestment has been recognized by, inter alia, the World Bank and regional governments as a problem. Hence it is likely that – and assuming the liquidity crunch currently being experienced is relatively quickly overcome – more money will be made available.

• The spread of supermarkets, with their concomitant cold chains, and the food manufacturers that add value to basic agricultural produce could be a major boost for regional agriculture if managed proactively, opportunistically and in the interests of regional agriculture.

• Solving the problem of inefficient internal markets in the region substantially depends on securing sufficient investment in infrastructure.

• There may be opportunities arising from investment relocation if the developed world and major developing countries adopt serious climate mitigation policies. Therefore, it is possible that a virtuous investment cycle could ensue in the medium term. But, clearly, there are many dangers inherent in this path, not least climate protectionism in those same developed country markets and the direct impacts of climate change on regional agriculture .

• Genetically Modified Organisms seem to offer major potential for boosting agricultural yields and ‘climate proofing crops hence the region would benefit from a serious, non-emotional debate about the costs and benefits of this technology, given its potential.

Key recommendations:

• Given the regions land abundance and international interest in this, it is imperative that regional governments work out transparent and sustainable terms under which foreign governments and companies gain access to their land.

• In addition to up scaling investment in infrastructure so as to promote agricultural trade in the region, national governments should establish regional trading arrangements that connect surplus regions with deficit regions.

• Long term planning for existing subsidy programmes (e.g. Malawi) may not be optimal. Malawi seems to have successfully invested in input subsidies to boost domestic agricultural production. While there are some concerns about the fiscal sustainability of this programme (currently it is donor funded), it is nonetheless an intriguing model for the region to explore.

Climate models are predicting a hotter, drier and less predictable climate in the Middle East—a region already considered the world's most water-scarce and where, in many places, demand for water already outstrips supply. For Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory, climate change threatens to reduce the availability of scarce water resources, increase food insecurity, hinder economic growth and lead to large-scale population movements. This could hold serious implications for peace in the region.

Rising Temperatures, Rising Tensions: Climate change and the risk of violent conflict in the Middle East is the latest IISD report on the links between climate change, peace and conflict. Drawn from extensive consultations and workshops throughout the region, augmented by desk research, the report makes three key points:

• The legacy of conflict in the countries of the Levant undermines the ability of countries and communities in the region to adapt to climate change. The history of hostility and mistrust in the region greatly complicates efforts to collaborate over shared resources, to invest in more efficient water and energy use, to share new ways to adapt to climate change and to pursue truly multilateral action on climate change. Ultimately, climate change presents an even more serious challenge than it would otherwise.

• The report shows that climate change itself poses real security concerns to the region. It may increase competition for scarce water resources, complicating peace agreements. It may intensify food insecurity, thereby raising the stakes for the return or retention of occupied land. It may hinder economic growth, worsening poverty and social instability. It could lead to destabilizing forced migration, increased tensions over refugee populations, the increased militarization of strategic natural resources and growing resentment and distrust of the West.

• Nevertheless, the report points out there is much that national governments and authorities, civil society and the international community can do address the challenge of climate change, and in so doing, address some of the threats it may pose to regional peace and security. They can promote a culture of conservation in the region, help communities and countries adapt to the impacts of climate change, work to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and foster greater cooperation on their shared resources.

Since the early 1970s, Chile has embarked on a markedly liberal trade policy, including the elimination of price and credit controls, the reduction of barriers to trade and the liberalization of capital flows. Since then, Chile has continued with this approach, supporting exports through the signature of more than twenty free trade agreements with different countries and economic associations from diverse regions of the world. Unlike other countries of the region, such as Brazil and Argentina, Chile has actively incorporated environmental and labor issues into its trade agenda. The purpose of this work is to identify the channels through which issues of sustainable development are incorporated into the trade agenda of Chile, including the trade agreements and the policy for foreign direct investment (FDI). As well, it tries to examine some emergent issues and tendencies associated with sustainable development that are likely to impact the future agenda of Chilean trade negotiators.

This country report is part of a joint TKN-CINDES research project comprising of four national case studies – in addition to Chile, Argentina, Brazil, and Peru were also studied - undertaken to identify, within the thematic areas of environmental and labor regulation, the most important issues for each country in terms of opportunity and/or vulnerability, as well as the forces that prompted the introduction of sustainable development topics into the countrys trade and investment agendas. The other individual country studies, as well as a synthesis report summarizing the main findings for the region as a whole, are also available through the Trade Knowledge Network website.

Key points:

• Of the 19 trade agreements in effect signed by Chile, 12 contain environmental commitments and 8 labor clauses. In spite of this, public policy for regulating FDI does not incorporate any environmental, labor or climate change clauses, nor sustainable development ones.

• Diverse factors have influenced the active incorporation of environmental and labor aspects into Chile's trade negotiations. One of them is the need to maintain coherence with the foreign policy stance, in which the subscription to the majority of the multilateral environmental agreements stands out. Another factor has been the demand of important trade partners for the inclusion of environmental and labor elements in FTAs. From a more domestic perspective, the inclusion of these elements into FTAs is considered to reinforce national environmental and labor legislation. Another factor that has motivated the inclusion of elements of sustainable development in the Chilean trade agenda corresponds to the necessity to improve the competitiveness of the country in international markets. In this sense, the Chilean perception stresses the need of incorporating the environmental dimension in the process of economic internationalization, as it is a crucial element to compete in international markets.

• During last the 15 years, Chile has progressively incorporated environmental and labor concerns in its trade agenda. Nevertheless, this has not happened in the case of climate change, an element that is just beginning to be considered an important factor in the trade of Chile by the public and private sector.

• In environmental matters diverse deficiencies persist that prevent the full compliance of the relevant dispositions present in the trade agreements. In the case of labor, the main challenges are the high degree of labor informality and the low levels of unionization.

Key recommendations:

• Much of the environmental and social dimension of Chile's trade and FDI policies lack a comprehensive vision of sustainable development. It is therefore necessary to embark on a research agenda which will treat these subjects in an integrated way, analyzing its relations, synergies and divergences.

• The lack of complete fulfillment of the contained environmental and labor dispositions in the FTAs has not been met with sanctions, and it is improbable it will do so in the near future. The main way to approach these weaknesses would seem to be to include in the FTAs specific initiatives of cooperation between signatories in the matter of labor informality and unionization, as well as the transfer of clean technology.

• The need by developed countries to reduce to their gas emissions may imply the transfer of their carbon-intensive industries to countries without such restrictions, like Chile. Considering that the imposition of restrictions to carbon-intensive FDI is something improbable, a system of economic incentives that allows to direct FDI towards prioritized sectors must be designed.

• The increase of the climate change related standards in the international markets means that the Chilean manufacturing industry should put a greater emphasis in developing an industry with greater valued-added and less based on natural resources with low levels of transformation.

This paper analyses how the trade agenda of Peru has been influenced by issues of sustainable development, such as environmental, labor and social concerns. The first section presents the evolution of Peru's trade and investment policies and how these relate to issues of sustainable development. In the second section, the factors that are responsible for the introduction of these issues into the trade agenda of Peru are identified, domestic antecedents are outlined and the commitments implicated by the free trade agreements (FTAs) that Peru has signed are discussed. The new commitments outlined in the FTAs, as well as other new government initiatives related to the area, have been the source of dispute in Peru, including within the Administration. Their resolution will define Peru's official position towards these issues in the external agenda. Finally, issues that will compose the future agenda of Peru in this area, and so must be the object of further discussion, are presented.

This country report is part of a joint TKN-CINDES research project comprising of four national case studies – in addition to Peru, Argentina, Brazil and Chile were also studied – undertaken to identify, within the thematic areas of environmental and labor regulation, the most important issues for each country in terms of opportunity and/or vulnerability, as well as the forces that prompted the introduction of sustainable development topics into the countrys trade and investment agendas. The other individual country studies, as well as a synthesis report summarizing the main findings for the region as a whole, are also available through the Trade Knowledge Network website.

Key points:

• It has been mainly external factors that have been responsible for the inclusion of sustainable issues in the trade agenda (and other issue areas) of Peru. Significant vectors have been the need to comply with the European Union's requirements in order to benefit from the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP-plus) and, more importantly, the environmental and social commitments subscribed to in the FTA signed with the United States, which have also been the basis for FTAs negotiated with other countries, such as Canada.

• In the nineties, public policy prioritized the attraction of foreign investment. Therefore Peru did not subscribe to high environmental or labor standards in its external agenda and questioned the use of the concept of “social dumping”. Internally, the labor market regulation was relaxed to eliminate 'rigidities'. Domestic laws requiring environmental impact studies for new investment projects were passed, but not rigorously complied.

• In the present decade, the Peruvian government's aim is to make the reforms from the nineties irreversible, given the political context of questioning the benefits derived from economic liberalization. Industrialists and the state formed a coalition that saw the signing of FTAs a strategy that would consolidate the liberalization. The environmental and social clauses that were included in the FTAs were initially resisted, but finally accepted as the cost to be paid to guarantee the continuity of liberal policies. On the other hand, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and labor unions that were opposed to the FTAs, saw in the environmental and social clauses opportunities to advance their own interests in those areas.

• The vast informality present in the Peruvian labor market, the predominance of small companies, and overall institutional weakness make the implementation of new environmental and social laws difficult. Additionally, the FTAs have been used as a pretext to pass laws permitting the exploitation of previously untouched natural resources (communal lands and in the Amazon). These difficulties not only create internal conflicts but will also have consequences for the foreign policy agenda of Peru, possibly increasing conflicts with the United States.

Key recommendations:

• Previously domestic debates – such as the role of natural gas, hydroelectric power and bio-fuels in the composition of the energy matrix, or the use of genetically modified organisms in agriculture in order to ensure food security – now must be discussed taking into consideration the normative framework adopted along with the FTAs.

• Biocommerce has the potential to contribute to the development of Peru through the sustainable use of the native biodiversity. The primary links in the biocommerce value chain are concentrated in the rural sector, associated with populations living in extreme poverty and in fragile ecosystems. There area diverse internal and external obstacles that make it difficult for this market to develop and therefore prevent these populations from benefiting from the advantages derived from economic insertion. It is necessary to study the value chain of these high priority products to identify the main obstacles to the development of these markets.

Latin American countries have historically adopted a defensive stance in trade forums when it comes to topics related to sustainable development, tending to see protectionist intentions behind the efforts to link environmental and labor issues to trade negotiations. However, the situation of such countries has changed significantly over recent years. Several countries in the region have accepted the inclusion of chapters dedicated to environmental and labor topics in the free-trade agreements (FTAs) they signed with the United States and Canada. Simultaneously, the level of demand defined by such agreements has increased gradually, as can be confirmed through a comparison between some of the older agreements (such as the agreement between the United States and Chile, for example) and the more recent ones (such as that between the United States and Peru).

This report synthesizes the findings of a joint TKN-CINDES research project comprising of four national case studies – of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Peru – undertaken to identify within the thematic areas of environmental and labor regulation the most important issues for each country in terms of opportunity and/or vulnerability, as well as the forces that prompted the introduction of sustainable development topics into the countries trade and investment agendas. The individual country reports are also available through the Trade Knowledge Network website.

Key points:

• There are certain characteristics of the countries mentioned here that tend to “push” sustainable topics onto the trade agenda, even when the governments official position refuses to accept such a link; these are: (1) the concentration of exports in those sectors requiring the intensive use of energy and natural resources, and the (2) continued practice of archaic work relations and the importance of informal work in some of these economies. Said characteristics make these countries vulnerable to the establishment of voluntary or compulsory unilateral rules in the importing countries.

• Regardless of their postures in relation to the link between environmental and trade topics, the governments of the region are already dealing, in fact or potentially, with the issues raised by them. Multilateral environmental agreements have explicit trade-centered provisions, and specific provisions of trade agreements, such as the WTO, deal with environmental concerns. With the expansion of the climate change agenda, this interaction will likely become more intense over the years to come.

Key recommendations:

• Since the definition of new technical standards and regulations implies high adaptation costs for regional producers, it is crucial to analyze the impact these standards may have on the export capacity of these countries and the best strategies for negotiating standards, regulations and certification mechanisms in trade agreements.

• Due to the importance of agricultural and fuel products in the exports of these countries, the implications arising from specialization and the “primarization” of the production structure must be further addressed. In the area of energy, the relationship between energy security, trade and investments has become a sensitive topic in the relations between the countries.

• The growing attention to “non-trade concerns” in the Northern countries will imply the incorporation of increasingly demanding obligations in future free trade agreements. The evaluation of what the eventual introduction of such topics into the thematic WTO agenda could represent for the region's countries is also a relevant field of study for the region.

• The possible transfer of more carbon-intensive industries and sectors to the countries of the region may incite the introduction of “filters” for the entry of these investments. More debate is needed as to the dilemma between introducing new barriers to investment due to environmental concerns and the compliance to commitments negotiated in trade and investment agreements.

Brazil has traditionally been amongst the most ardent critics of the attempt to link labor, social and environmental issues to the commerce and investment agendas in trade negotiations. The official position of Brazil has maintained notable continuity through governments of differing political orientation. Despite this, due to links established in the international arena, diverse economic and social actors in Brazil routinely deal with issues of sustainable development in their agendas of trade, investment and financing. This study tries to identify the channels through which themes of sustainable development “enter” the international economic agenda of Brazil, as well as to “map” some emergent trends in the relation between trade and sustainable development issues that can come to have significant impacts on Brazils negotiating interests.

This country report is part of a joint TKN-CINDES research project comprising of four national case studies – in addition to Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Peru were also studied – undertaken to identify, within the thematic areas of environmental and labor regulation, the most important issues for each country in terms of opportunity and/or vulnerability, as well as the forces that prompted the introduction of sustainable development topics into the countrys trade and investment agendas. The other individual country studies, as well as a synthesis report summarizing the main findings for the region as a whole, are also available through the Trade Knowledge Network website.

Key points:

• Recent trends in the world economy and the increased international insertion of Brazil tend to increase pressure over Brazilian companies and the government to participate in international negotiations that link trade and environment (including climate change) and social issues. Moreover, the proliferation of unilateral measures by governments from developed countries and requirements imposed by consumers and importers, related to social and/or environmental standards, increasingly impose costs of adaptation on Brazilian companies.

• In recent years, the link between trade and sustainable development has become relevant for agro-industrial sectors. The expansion of Brazilian agribusiness and the deforestation of the Amazon – phenomenon that is responsible for about two thirds of the carbon emissions in Brazil – turn diverse agro-industrial sectors of the country into privileged targets of public and private initiatives in the countries of the North. These initiatives seek to define applicable standards to the products and methods of production throughout the value chain.

• Unlike the 1990s, when the trade dimension was the most important channel through which sustainable issues entered Brazilian businesses international agenda, in this decade, this linkage has occurred through international investments of transnational companies (Brazilian or foreign-owned), or, in the case of companies of open capital, through the financing of investments. Brazilian companies' foreign direct investment directed to Africa and South American countries have, for the most part, environmental impacts, as they are concentrated in the natural resource sectors, as well as social impacts, since they come into contact with indigenous communities.

• The agenda of sustainable development has gained political and institutional density in Brazil also as a result of the evolution of the domestic environment – and not only due to Brazil's links to the world. An autonomous political arena around the subjects of sustainable development has consolidated in Brazil. For the majority of the organized sectors of society, these are not seen anymore as “subjects of the North” but have been appropriated by social groups and domestic economic interests and have been translated into private initiatives and public policies.

Key recommendations:

• The refusal of the developing countries in discussing sustainable development issues in the multilateral negotiations transferred them to the agendas of regional and bilateral commercial negotiations. This does not mean that countries like Brazil have managed to definitely eliminate these subjects from trade agreements. Rather, considering the proliferation of regulations, requirements and unilateral certification of a social, environmental or climatic change nature, it may be in the interest of some Brazilian sectors that these subjects are dealt with under the umbrella the WTO in order to guarantee clear rules and the effective participation of all the interested parties.

• A program of research on the impacts of sustainable development concerns on the trade and investment agenda of Brazil must privilege questions that tend to gain greater relevance, such as the multiplication, in the developed countries, of new instruments to deal with non-trade concerns and the emergence of the subjects of “food security” and “energy security” in the agendas of important players in the international trade and the multilateral organisms.

This report constitutes a first approach to the examination of the link between the international trade and direct foreign investment agenda of Argentina and emergent issues of sustainable development. The study consists of four sections. In the first section, recent trends in trade and investment flows in Argentina, as well as the evolution of the public policies pertaining to those fields, are reviewed briefly. In the second section, we study the impact of international agreements and practices (public and private) in the matter of environmental standards, labor and climate change on the trade and investment agenda. The third section discuses five questions about the management of natural resources that are crucial for the sustainability of development (“agriculturalization”, the impact of mining, forest degradation, fishing over-exploitation and the energy matrix and the role of biofuels). A brief section of conclusions ends the work.

This country report is part of a joint TKN-CINDES research project comprising of four national case studies – in addition to Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Peru were also studied – undertaken to identify, within the thematic areas of environmental and labor regulation, the most important issues for each country in terms of opportunity and/or vulnerability, as well as the forces that prompted the introduction of sustainable development topics into the countrys trade and investment agendas. The other individual country studies, as well as a synthesis report summarizing the main findings for the region as a whole, are also available through the Trade Knowledge Network website.

Key points:

• The forces that prompted the introduction of sustainable trade issues into the political debate in Argentina, as well as the relevance of international pressures, vary according to the issue considered.

• In the area of environmental standards and food safety and quality, external pressures have played an important role in prompting domestic debate and the adoption of standards. The principal vector has been the multilateral agreements, and the adoption, by private and public agents, of practices in key developed country markets. A paradigmatic example is the discussion on genetically modified organisms (GMOs).

• In the case of labor issues, the characteristics of the labor market in Argentina, with a relatively high participation of unions and the little presence of externally competitive sectors intensive in unqualified labor means that external pressures have had little relevance to the discussion on labor standards. At most, international norms have functioned as 'resonance boxes' to particular demands of domestic actors. However, recent transformations in the Argentinean labor market suggest that external pressures may have more significance in the future.

• In the matter of climate change the influence of the external vectors was limited, although Argentina has had an active participation in the multilateral negotiations (in particular in the Kyoto Protocol) with a position generally coincident with the developing countries (the Group of 77 and China). A reason for this has been the little conflict that this field presents for Argentina, since the structure of the Argentine economy is characterized by a low polluting power (in terms of greenhouse-effect gases).

• An important difference between Argentina and the rest of the Latin American countries is the relative lack of importance of multilateral trade and investment agreements as vectors for introducing sustainable trade issues into the domestic political agenda, since Argentina does not participate in any north-south agreements, and the regional agreements signed, such as Mercosul, do not incorporate any commitments related to these issues.

Key recommendations:

• It is necessary to ensure a complete understanding of the implications of the international commitments that Argentina may eventually subscribe to. The density of the agenda of sustainable development that the international community has ahead will have consequences that can only be suitably appreciated if a holistic perspective is adopted and if the technical resources necessary to do it area available. The practical implications of this challenge are the need for coordination between experts and agencies, besides a suitable provision of information and intelligence about the issue.

• Given the foreseeable obstacles to cooperative multilateral solutions for sustainable development issues and the high probability that public or private unilateral measures will be adopted, the capacity to respond in a quick and suitable way as to the preservation of rights and adaptation of practices constitutes a fundamental social capital that must be built upon.

• The agenda of sustainable development raises endogenous challenges that would have to be administered regardless of the evolution of the international surroundings. Therefore, a suitable understanding of the cost-benefit of different policy options is needed for a satisfactory management of the development process.

Mark Halle, Director of IISDs Trade & Investment program, talks about the intersection between international trade and climate change.

IISD has explored the linkages between trade and climate change for over a decade. The linkages include:

• Liberalization of trade in low-carbon goods
• Border carbon adjustment mechanisms
• Intellectual property rights and technology transfer
• Investment in clean energy technologies
• Fossil fuel subsidy reduction
• Trade law flexibilities for subsidies to address climate change.

As science has revealed that the rate and intensity of climate change is increasing at unprecedented levels, we have begun to realize that it holds potentially serious implications for international security. Analysts argue that climate change—by redrawing the maps of water availability, food security, disease prevalence and coastal boundaries—could potentially increase forced migration, raise tensions and trigger new conflicts.

The imperative to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and manage the impacts of climate change present, in the starkest manner possible, our global interdependence. Africa, though the continent the least responsible for greenhouse gas emissions, is almost universally seen as the continent most at risk of climate-induced conflict—a function of the continents reliance on climate-dependent sectors (such as rain-fed agriculture) and its history of resource, ethnic and political conflict. At the turn of the 21^st century more people were being killed in wars in this region than in the rest of the world combined.

However, recent years have seen a steady progress in the improvement of Africas economic prospects, in the reduction of levels of conflict and in the quality of governance and the number and nature of democracies. The African Union and its constituent regional economic communities, through its security architecture, have developed into key players in the reduction of conflict in Africa. Nevertheless, with its tremendous natural resources and remarkable social and ecological diversity, the continent reflects a close dependency of people on natural resources. It is this dependency and its fragile governance capacities that may present Africa with potentially severe problems in adapting to the future effects of climate change.

In this report, prepared for the Nordic-African Foreign Ministers Forum in Copenhagen in March 2009, IISD examines some of the threats that climate change could pose to security for the continent. These include:

• Increased water scarcity
• Decreased food security
• Large-scale climate-induced migration
• The impact of climate change on poverty and state fragility
• Non-linear climate change

The paper also identifies a set of strategies for peace and development in a changing climate:

• Improve projections and predictions
• Minimize dangerous climate change
• Adapt to the impacts of climate change
• Integrate climate change into all relevant levels of governance

The Trade Knowledge Network (TKN) is a global collaboration of research institutions across Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas that share the goal of promoting sustainable development through supportive trade and investment policies.

Coordinated since 1998 by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), the TKN can draw on a decade of experience in strengthening research capacities in developing countries and generating cutting-edge policy analysis that addresses the impacts of trade and investment on sustainable development.