INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT (IISD)/ KENYA ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT ORGANISATIONS (KENGO) Adaptive Strategies for Sustainable Livelihoods: A Review and Analysis of Development Policy for the Arid and Semi-arid Areas of Kenya By Samuel K. Mutiso Department of Geography University of Nairobi P.O. Box 30197 Nairobi, Kenya SEPTEMBER, 1995 ***************************************************** AUTHORIAL NOTE This report is part of the policy analysis output of the IISD- UNDP pilot project designed to test and develop an approach to promote sustainable livelihoods in communities in marginal lands bsed on local adaptive strategies. This document is one of four such reports prepared in four of five different study countries. These are Ethiopia, Kenya, Burkina Faso and Zimbabwe. The policy analyst from South Africa, the fifth country, did not submit the agreed report. However, some of the pertinent policy issues in this case are dealt with in the synthesis and community reports which form part of the current series of outputs of the IISD-UNDP adaptive strategies project. These reports have been prepared under the general guidance of IISD and the International Advisory Group of the Project. They are issued under the general editorship of Naresh Singh and Perpetua Kalala of IISD but are individually authored as indicated. ***************************************************** TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS PREFACE 1.0 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 2.0 INTRODUCTION 2.1 Adaptive Strategy. 2.2 Sustainable Livelihood 2.3 Defining Policy 2.4 Policy Formation Process 3.0 ASALS IN THE NATIONAL CONTEXT 3.1 Geographic Location 3.2 Ecological Characteristics 3.3 ASAL Resource Base 3.4 Features of the ASALS 3.4.1 Traditional Systems 3.5 Resource Devt: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportuninities, & Threats 3.5.1 Land Tenure (A) Pre-colonial Land Tenure (B) Land Tenure in Colonial Kenya i) Tenants at Will of the Crown ii) Dual Policy, 1923- 1945 iii) The Ten Year Plan: 1946-1955 iv) The African Land Development Org (ALDEV) v) The Swynnerton Plan, 1955 (C) Land Tenure in Independent Kenya 3.5.2. Poverty (A) Pre-colonial Period (B) Colonial Period (C) Post-colonial Period 3.5.3 Education and Training (A) Pre-colonial Period (B) Colonial Period (C) Post-colonial Period 3.5.4 Water, Pasture, and Livestock (A) Pre-colonial Period (B) Colonial Period (C) Post-colonial Period 3.5.5 Wildlife and Tourism 3.5.6 Health Care (A) Pre-colonial Period (B) Colonial Period (C) Post-colonial Period 3.5.7 Dryland Farming and Agroforestry (i) Forestry 3.5.8 Environmental Degradation and Conservation in the ASALs 3.5.9 Infrastructure and Enterprise Development 3.6 National Priorities in the ASALs 4.0 Key Policy Issues 4.1 Macro-Policy Issues 4.1.1 Land Use Policy 4.1.2 Water Resources Issues 4.1.3 Wildlife Issues. 4.1.4 Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPS) 4.2 Micro-Policy Issues 5.0 Policy Impact on Adaptive Strategies 5.1 Land Use and Land Tenure 5.2 Education 6.0 Policy Scenarios 6.1 Land Tenure 6.2 Water Resources 6.3 Vegetation Resources 6.4 Wildlife and Tourism 6.5 Livestock Resources 7.0 Policy Monitoring and Evaluation. 7.1 Introduction 7.2 Indicators for measurement, means and sources of verification 8.0 Summary, Conclusion and Policy Recommendations 8.1 Introduction 8.2 Land and Land Tenure 8.3 Water Resources 8.4 Vegetation Resources 8.5 Livestock 8.6 Energy Resources 8.7 Wildlife and Tourism 8.8 Dryland Farming 8.9 Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPS) 9.0 List of References ***************************************************** ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The study on "the Adaptive Strategies of the Poor in Arid and Semi-Arid Lands" could not have been completed without the cooperation and hard work of many researchers and intitutions. To al these is extended much gratitude. The study was initiated by the International Institute for Sustainable Development in collaboration with the UNDP, both of which institutions provided financial and technical assistance. In particular, the IISD designed the methodology and research protocol, which was enriched over the months by various participants in the research effort. The research was conducted simultaneously in five countries: Ethiopia, Kenya, Burkina Faso, Zimbabwe, and South Africa. In Kenya, it was coordinated by the Kenya Energy and Environment Organization, KENGO. Dr. Mutiso served as the policy analyst for the Kenya case study. This work also benefitted tremendously from the inputs of various people drawn from the study areas, both within and outside government institutions. Special gratitude is extended to the local communities without whose input the study would not have been possible. The research also benefited from the valuable guidance of an international advisory group whose members were Anil Gupta from the Indian School of Management, Charlie Shackleton from the University of Witwatersrand, Costantinos Berhe-Tesfu from the Environment and Development Society of Ethiopia, Joachim Voss from the International Development Research Centre, Steve Blais from the Canadian International Development Agency, Walter Lusigi and Shimwaayi Muntemba from the World Bank, Eugenie Aw from the Africa 2000 Network and Elizabeth Migongo-Bake from the United Nations Environment Program. To all, a resounding thank you. ***************************************************** PREFACE The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) is a non-profit private corporation established and supported by Canada and Manitoba. It's mandate is to promote sustainable development in decision making within governments, business and the daily lives of individuals in Canada and internationally. The institute is helping to shape initiatives which move sustainable development from concept to practices, which require the integration of the well-being of people, environment and economy within the centres of decision making in government, industry, the home and in the community. The IISD, through inputs from a series of inter-agency workshops in Nairobi, Toronto and Winnipeg in 1993, identified information as one of the critical tools of empowerment, which it has the capacity to avail to the poor. Specifically, facilitating the documentation and sharing of adaptive strategies of the poor with the poor, as well as with policy makers including governments, development agents and the donor community, was identified as a major conduit of building the capacity of communities to respond and adapt to changing social, economic and ecological conditions that undermine their achievement of sustainable livelihoods. The purpose of the project on Adaptive Strategies for Sustainable Livelihoods in Arid and Semi-Arid Lands (ASALs) is to contribute towards enabling communities in arid and semi-arid lands in achieving and maintaining their goals for sustainable livelihoods. The focus of the study was on documenting and sharing adaptive strategies which have evolved among some communities in ASALs in response to external influences on traditional systems. In addition, the project sought to identify and analyse the policy issues which enhance or constrain the development or implementation of these strategies. Adaptive strategies can be seen as an expression of negotiated decisions for individual and community livelihoods, among members of households and communities, as traditional systems are influenced by such factors as the socio-economic and ecological environments, and contemporary knowledge systems (including science and technology). Adaptive strategies are distinct from coping strategies in that they represent a permanent change in the mix of productive activities and require the modification of community rules and institutions to meet livelihood needs. They are characteristic of vulnerable socio-economic systems and modes of production. On the other hand, coping strategies are characteristic "emergency responses" or "fall-back mechanisms of people in normally-secure livelihoods systems who are experiencing abnormal risk. The objectives of the study were: * To document information on adaptive strategies which lead to, or have the potential to lead to, sustainable livelihoods; * To package and disseminate information sets on adaptive strategies to local communities and other interested groups; * To provide policy makers and local communities with recommendations through the identification of key interactions, synergies, antagonisms, etc., among traditional and contemporary knowledge and the relevant policy condition under which adaptive strategies evolved; * To identify, in preliminary manner, indicators of sustainable livelihoods in arid and semi-arid lands; * To provide researchers and other interested parties with information on the process and methodology used; * To influence the outcome of the WSSD in the areas of poverty and sustainable development; This document focuses on the policy aspects of the study for the Kenya case study. There are five such documents, one for each participating country. They serve the critical role of articulating the policy findings in relation to the micro level findings, a necessary factor in arriving at a full appreciation of adaptive strategies as a potential tool for the policy- assisted enhancement of sustainable livelihoods. The studies were conducted at the same time and in a similar manner to those in four other African countries, Zimbabwe, Burkina Faso, South Africa and Ethiopia. For each study site a community report, a policy document, and a synthesis document which distills the main links between the community and policy findings was prepared. The interested reader would certainly benefit from the breadth and depth of the various case studies. In addition, a detailed guidebook entitled "Participatory Research for Sustainable Livelihoods in Arid and Semi-Arid Lands: A Guidebook for Field Projects on Adaptive Strategies" is being published. This should prove valuable to those who may want to conduct similar research. The report should be of interest to those who are searching for lessons about the way in which communities living in fragile ecological environments operationalize sustainable livelihoods. Thus it should be of interest to other local communities of agro-pastoralists who may learn some new strategies from each other. It should also be of interest to those who design policies which depend on the local responses of agro- pastoralists, not only in Kenya, but indeed in all arid and semi-arid zones. This includes local and national policy- makers, as well as international donor agencies, especially in the wakes of the UN desertification convention when more attention is being paid to resolving the problems confronting the inhabitants of areas with low precipitation. ***************************************************** 1.0 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This paper reviews and analyses the acts, laws, policies and directives that impinge on adaptive strategies and livelihoods of the communities living in the Arid and Semi-Arid areas in Kenya. It seeks to examine how policy and law as avenues for sustainable livelihoods have facilitated the realisation of the objective or inhibited the same. It represents the first step of a detailed historical policy review and analysis in the ASALs of Kenya. For analytical purposes, the paper covers three broad periods, namely Pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial. We see the lessons and experiences during these eras having a bearing on future policy formulation and legislation. Twelve areas of ASAL resource development are identified to have a significant impact on the adaptive strategies and sustainable livelihoods of the communities. These include (a) land tenure (b) poverty (c) education and training (d) health care and social services (e) water, pastures and livestock (f) wildlife and tourism (g)infrastructure and enterprise development (h) environmental conservation (i) dryland farming and small scale irrigation , macro and micro economics, macro(k) agriculture (l)forestry and drought, to mention but a few. In this process, economic and social structures of the ASALS were radically transformed and have had a lasting impact on communities livelihoods. A Parallel community report and synthesized report focusing on two ASAL communities namely, Maasai, Kitengela in Kajiado District and Lower Tigania, Nyambeni District the focus of the comunity report. The establishment of colonialism in Kenya at turn of the last century, destroyed the adaptive strategies of the ASAL communities. Colonial government policy was that of neglect of the ASALs as economically dead areas. The Government made some modest efforts to rectify the situation in the 40s and early 50s. However, there was widespread land degradation and poverty among the ASAL communities. The independent governments of Kenya have focused their attention on the ASAL resource development as exemplified by several ASAL development plans and policies. The report has also examined the national priorities and key policy issues in the ASALs and how these impact on the adaptive strategies of the communities. The basic resources of the ASALs include mainly land, water vegetation livestock and wildlife, people and to a lesser extent the minerals. These have to be accompanied by the supportive socio-economic infrastructure and condusive policy environment which is expected to enable Adaptive Strategies to lead to sustainable livelihoods. A case in point are the SAPS which have had dverse effect on the livelihoods of the "resource-poor" of the ASALS 2.0 INTRODUCTION This policy report was carried out upon the request by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) of Canada in collaboration with the Kenya Energy and Environment Organisation (KENGO). The IISD which is a non Governmental Organization (NGO) maandaated five NGOs from the frican Continent to carry out community and accompanying policy reports in the five representative countries namely; Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Kenya and South Africa . The results of these studies were presented in a Workshop held in March 1995 in Wits Rural Facility, East Transvaal; South Africa. The key concepts in this report include Arid and Semi-arid lands (ASALS) Adaptive strategies, sustainable livelihood systems. Policy and law are the avenues which facilitate or hinder the achievement of sustainable livelihood in the two case study, areas namely, Kajiado and Nyambeni District, in Kenya Fig 1. At the outset in is important to provide working definitions for a number of terms that will constantly appear in this report. 2.1 Adaptive Strategy. The term 'Adaptive strategy' is used to describe a process of change which may be more or less conscious and deliberate, in the way people durably reorganise their livelihood/systems in response to long term changes and challenges. Consequently the adaptive strategies can be distinguished from coping strategies which are short term and reversible (Rennie et al 1995; 12. Adaptive strategies describe the ways in which local individuals, households and communities have changed their mix of productive activities and modified their communities rules and institutions in response to vulnerabilities, in order to meet their livelihood needs. To this end, Adaptive strategies are a mix of traditional livelihood systems, modified by locally or externallyinduced innovations, and by the incorporation of coping strategies that have become permanent. They arise from the "dynamic interaction" as Titi and Singh, 1994; 11) puts in, from the"dynamic interaction and mutual interdependence between human agency and the ecosystem". 2.2 Sustainable Livelihood: "A livelihood comprises of the capabilities, assets, stores, resources, claims and access and activities required for a means of living. For a livelihood to be 'sustainable' it has to address people's capacities to generate and maintain their means of living. (Rannie at al 1995:10). Sustainable livelihoods should therefore not exploit or prejudice either the environment or other livelihoods present or future but should promote, enhance and provide an enabling environment for them. It is in this sense that the current report examines the roles of policy and laws in creating an enabling or hindering environment for the local communities in the ASALs to exploit their resources in a sustainable manner. 2.3 Defining policy The Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary defines 'policy' as plan of action, statement of ideals proposed or adopted by a government, political party, business, etc'. Policy making can therefore be considered to be the means by which high officials of the executive department of states or the nation determine how to direct the government in such matters as conserving national resources, guiding foreign relations among other things, Buetel (1975: 249). Of great importance is the fact that the policy-maker should not be contented with the knowledge of the state of existing laws as they affect his intended project. "He must know the impact of the administration of those laws on the social situation which his new policy will eventually be expected to change", Bautel (1975: 249) 2.4 Policy formation process Policy formation originates with the values of the policy maker and society. Policies can be viewed as instruments rather than value, the impact of evaluation research findings on theoretical and political views appears likely to be minimal (Wortman 1975:33). From the policy standpoint, he argues that "perhaps the most important question is to whether policy-makers will change their values, but whether the results of evaluative studies will affect the policies they initiate". 3.0 ASALS IN THE NATIONAL CONTEXT 3.1 GEOGRAPHIC LOCATION The Republic of Kenya lies on the eastern side of the African continent between latitude 50o, 40 North and 4o, 4 South and between longitudes 33o, 50 east and 21o, 45 East. The equator bisets the country into almost two equal parts. Kenya has an area of 590, 000km2 and a coastline 608 km long. Administratively, the country is divided into eight provinces including Nairobi. The Arid and semi-Arid land areas of Kenya constitute over 80 percent of the country's total land surface and carry over 25 per cent of total human population and has more than half the livestock population of Kenya. The country has more than 46 administrative districts out of which 24 are classified as ASAL (GOK, 1993: 142). The majority of the people living in these areas are pastoralists although semi pastoral and farming communities exist as well. 3.2 ECOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS In Kenya, the ASALs (Fig 2) are identified according to their Agro-Ecological Zone (AEZ) characteristics: These zones are determined by the ration between rainfall and evapotranspiration (r/Eo) which is expressed as percentage. Although there are seven AEZs, mainly zones III and VII fall within the ASALs. These zones are characterised by low and variable annual rainfall amounts and high rates of evapotranspiration rates.. It is these climatic factors that affect the adaptive strategies of the ASAL communities and the subsequent livelihoods. The AEZ IV is a semi-humid to semi-arid zone with a mean annual rainfall range of 600-1,100mm and potential evapotranspiration range of 1550-2200mm giving rise to a r/Eo of 40 - 50 percent. The vegetation of this zone is dry woodland and bushland. Maize is considered to be the stapple food for most of the Kenyans. Hence, its survival and policies towards its production, storage and marketing are likely to affect the livelihoods of people living in the ASALs, particularly those in the semi-arid areas which receive a mean annual rainfall range of 500-800mm per annum. The risk of an adapted crop like maize is low, 10-25 percent. The AEZ V is semi - arid and receives a mean annual range of 450 -900mm while the mean annual potential evapotranspiration range is 1650-2300mm giving rise to r/Eo of 25-40 percent. The vegetation for this zone is bushland and the potential for plant growth is medium to low while the risk of failure of maize crop is high, 25-75 percent. The AEZ VI and VII are rid nd very arid respectively. The mean annual rainfall in AEZ VI is between 30550mm while the potential evaporation range is 1900 - 2,400mm are giving rise to ratio of r/Eo of 15 to 25 percent. The vegetation of this zone is mainly bushland and shrubland. Finally, the AEZ VII is very arid and covers greater part of the north and north-eastern Kenya. The mean annual rainfall is low 300-550mm while the potential evaporation range is very high 1900-2400mm which is 15-25 percent. The soils of the ASALs are variable and have generally low organic matter and hence low fertility due to reduced vegetation cover. These soils have low waterholding capacities. Another physical characteristic of the ASAL soils is their tendency to form surface capping or sealing which reduces, infiltration rates thereby increasing overland flow and soil erosion. This leads to land degradation and reduction in the effectiveness of livelihood systems in the ASALs. 3.3 ASAL RESOURCE BASE Perhaps the most important resource base of the ASAL areas of kenya is the human population. The ASALs supports 25% of the country's population and over half of the livestock (GOK 1992:25) According to the 1989 census 5.75 million people live in the 24 ASAL districts. The population growth rates are increasing in some districts whereas the more arid ones are experiencing decline. For example, the Narok District, to the West of Kajiado District, has a population growth rate of 6.49 percent while that of Wajir District has dropped to 1.06 percent. The population density of some ASAL districts, for instance Machakos, has risen in past 20 years from 0 to 50 persons/sq. km to an estimated 101-200 persons/sq. km. 3.4 FEATURES OF THE ASALS It has already been said that the ASALs are generally characterised by harsh ecological conditions and resultant natural resource degradation except in the key production areas. These are the small, scattered pockets of land with favourable ecological conditions characterised by ample water supplies better soils and lusher vegetation. Geographically, these areas are located within hills, rivers floodplain with permanent water flows seasonal surface storage. The areas have seasonally - re- charged shallow groundwater. Key production areas have formed the dry-grazing zones for the pastoralists. To-day, these areas are centres of conflicts between the various production sectors, namely, agriculture livestock wildlife and urban settlement. These conflicts affect the adaptive strategies and livelihoods of the ASAL communities. Warring clans within the same country or across the international borders have always fought for access to the pasture and water resources in these areas, a fact that can clearly be seen in a satellte imagery showing the seasonal migration of livestock to the watter hilly areas bordering Kenya and Uganda and Kenya and Sudan. Most of the people living in the ASALs derive their livehoods from dryland agriculture and pastoralist. Human populations is sparsely distributed and majority of the people are nomadic pastoralism. However, the ASALs have also, witnessed a continuous flow of agricultural immigrants from the high and medium potential areas. The ASALs support over 50 percent of livestock and significant proportion of wildlife. In terms of infrastructural development, these areas have lagged behind and people do not have adequate access to social amenities and basic human needs. We have already seen these areas are prone to seasonal drought and the attendant famine. Over the years, the social and economic systems have responded to these threats or uncertainties by "being flexible, diversifying productive activities and adapting to opportunities in the interaction between livelihood systems and their wide economic share (UNSO, 1992). In short, the mobility and flexibility in the use of the ASAL resources were reliable adaptive strategies. Successful adaptation has been and still is constraint by various policies during the colonial and post- colonial periods, population growth and unfavourable ecological conditions. A number of attempts have been made in the past to promote effective utilization of the ASAL resources which are basically land, water, vegetation wildlife and human and livestock popu- lations. These attempts or policies were sectoral based and thus failed to promote compatibility between various economic activities and environmental conservation in these areas . This situation has been aggravated by the fact that the popula- tion pressure on the supporting resources has become so intense that there is constant out migration to the medium potential and marginal or semi-arid areas of Kenya. Some of the communities in the ASALs are, recent immigrants from the more densely populated high potential areas of the country. The resultant effect is competition with existing land use systems such as livestock and crop production; wildlife conservation, forestry and water catchment. In the absence of effective policy governing the utilization of these resources competition will intensify and most productive allocation of resources may be prevented by inefficient resolution of conflict between competing land uses. It is important to review the shifts in the development policy on ASAL resources during the three periods covered by this report. Policy and law facilitating or hindering adaptive strategies towards sustainable livelihood systems in Kajiado and Nyambene Districts will also be reviewed. 3.4.1 TRADITIONAL SYSTEMS The earliest known inhabitants of Kenya lived by hunting and gathering. Over most of East Africa food production came about 3000 years ago, Ochieng (1990: 23). The concern of this perort is not however, with hunting and gathering during the Pre-capitalist period, but with crop and livestock production and environmental conservation during pre-colonial Kenya. The range of crops grown were limited and the use of iron tools was not always widespread. Consequently, most societies used fire, wood and stone for clearing the bushes for cultivation. Food production was low and man had to supplement it with hunting and gathering. With time man accumulated vast ecological knowledge. Using environmental perception and cul- tural adaption, man was able to use indicator trees and grasses to identify the quality of soil and its potential for crop production. Drought and attendant famine are the major challenges to the agro-pastoralists. Droughts have always been cyclical and were caused by failure of the seasonal rains which are usually characterised by low total amounts, strong seasonal concentra- tion and high variability from season to season and year to year (Mutiso, 1994: 1988, 1991). Movements and flexibility of use of resources enabled the societies of Kenya to adjust effectively to the vagaries of weather. In addition, advanced methods of agriculture were used in some areas, such as indigenous irrigation systems in Elgeyo-Marakwet, Machakos, Mount Kenya region, Taita Hills to mention but a few, were some of the adaptive strategies for sustainable livelihoods in Pre-colonial Kenya. The pastoralists, like the crop cultivators, became authorities on grasses, capable of assessing the value of different grazing lands and their stock carrying capacity at different seasons of the year. During the wet seasons, the pastoralists kept their animals on the Arid and Semi-arid lowlands of their country. When pasture and water became scarce the pastoralists fell back on the more humid hill and mountainous the key production areas which have currently been occupied by agriculturalists , National parks and game reserves. The cattle-complex and land degradation cannot be understood without a closer look into the role of livestock in both pasto- ralists and the more sedentary agriculturists. Cattle keeping was and is still viewed as a more convenient form of storing wealth than vegetable foodstuffs. Livestock provided manure so important for crop production, food and clothing, water and milk carriers. Hence, among the pastoral communities such as the Masaai and Turkana, livestock governed daily routine and kinship relations. Its ownership is still a measure of family prosperity and individual security not only among the pastoral communities but also among the more settled ASAL communities such as the Akamba and Kikuyu's. Ochieng (1990 :27) states correctly that ''among the Turkana, Luo, Kalenjin and Masaai by custom stock exchanged hands through loans freely begged and granted and through bridewealth. In this way each family herd came to be widely dispersed among many friends and relatives living often in far removed parts of the country and the benefit rebounded both to the individual and society as a whole. Through the broad dispersal of his cattle each man reduced the danger catastrophe-the destruction of his herds through the disease, an enemy raid or drought. By freely loaning his stock he widened the number of his friends,relatives or more acquaintances on whose assistance he could rely on in future moments of need." The above background is necessary in understanding how policy and laws as avenues for sustainable livelihoods have facilitated the realisation of the objective or inhibited the same during the colonial and post-colonial era in Kenya. 3.5 AREAS OF ASAL RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT: STRENGTH, WEAKNESSES, OPPORTUNITIES AND THREATS (SWOT) This section discusses the major trends and associated constraints to sustainable resource use. It traces the role of policy on land tenure, poverty, education and training, water pasture and livestock, wildlife and tourism; health care and social services; infrastructure and enterprise development; environmental conservation; dryland farming and forestry. 3.5.1 LAND TENURE Land and land tenure constitute a critical subject not only in the modern Africa but in the developing world. Land tenure refers to the way in which individuals or groups in society hold or have access to land including the conditions under which such land is held and disposed of. Currently, four land tenure systems exist in Kenya,namely communal,individual,family and feudal. Communal tenure is a form of land tenure where members of a group are deemed to have equal rights of access to the land in question. Communal tenure was the first type of tenure in Kenya. Individual tenure,an individual holds land on a more or less permanent basis.On the other hand,however family tenure refers to access to land rests on membership of a given family. Finally,under feudal tenure a political authority deemed to ultimately own or control land permits individuals to use portions of land in exchange for services or part of the produce harvested. Kibwana (1990) observes that these tenurial systems are not mutually exclusive. He gives an example of a case where individual tenure can exist within family tenure or even within communal tenure where some portions of land are individualized, while others are family lands and others still are communal. The above tenurial systems have had a far reaching effect on the adaptive strategies and subsequent livelihoods of the ASAL communities during the three periods covered in this report. A) PRE-COLONIAL LAND TENURE Land tenure was diverse among the ethnic groups inhabiting the present Kenya. This is reflected by the diverse economic activities,self-settlement patterns,social and political organisations of the pre-colonial Kenya. Such economic activ- ities as hunting and gathering and later pastoralism which were performed collectively required that land rights be enjoyed collectively and equally. For instance,pastoralists required large tracts of land upon which herds would roam and hence communal ownership of land among the Masaai continued to be the rule. Such social and economic organisations as pastoralism and subsistence agriculture tended to give rise to clan land and family land. The title to the latter who rested on the whole family jointly or cooperatively. The individual was normally entitled access to the family land through birth. There were cases however where an individual would also acquire the land through his personal efforts. He would for instance,clear the virgin land, weu' among the Akamba's. He could receive the land in form of a gift. If,for several reasons,an individual wanted to transfer such self acquired land he still had to seek consent of his family. In sum,it can be said individual autonomy in land matters was alien to pre-colonial land tenure. Alongside the familyland there also existed communal land over which grazing water, fishing and firewood collecting rights were shared equally. This points to the fact that during pre-colonial Kenya, land tenure is best described as community based land authority be it a tribal clan,lineage or family. Such centralized political authorities as the Baganda, Ankole,Toro or the Bunyoro of Uganda were absent in Kenya as of the societies were stateless. (B) LAND TENURE IN COLONIAL KENYA: i) Tenants at Will of the Crown Land tenure during the colonial period in Kenya can be traced back to the Berlin Conference 1885 where the European powers established their spheres of influence over. Various parts of the African continent. Kenya became the British East africa protectorate in 1895 and the Imperial British East African company in 1897 was charged with the adminstration of the East Africa protectorate on behalf of Britain. Thus the I.B.E.A.C interfered with the development of indigenous land tenure to encourage the European settlers to invest in Kenya. The protectorate status was still ambiguous as it did not spell out precisely what land rights, if any, in the East African Protectorate. Consequently,in a protectorate, unlike a colony, the British Government could not alienate land. A number of laws had be enacted beginning with the 1901 East Africa (Lands) Order in Council and cumulating with the 1902 Crown Land Ordinance. Crown land was defined widely enough to cover all land in the East Africa Protectorate even when such land was under the occupation of the indigenous communities. European settlers were granted such Crown lands which then came under individual land tenure. Despite the fact that the above laws continued in theory to preserve land rights of the indigenous communities, in practice, the indigenous people were tenants at Will of the Crown. Thus, whenever the colonial administration wanted to dispose of land belonging to the indigenous people, that was always achieved even if treaties had been concluded to fore stall such an eventuality as evidenced by Maasai Agreements of 1904 and 1911. Crown land Ordinance, is in my opinion, the beginning of the destruction of the adaptive strategies and sustainable livelihoods of not only the ASAL communities but those of the more humid parts of Kenya, particularly the fertile areas adja- cent to the Uganda railway. We see that during colonial Kenya, the official neglect of African agriculture was by design, subsistence and land tenure, family whereas that of settlers was cash-crop oriented and individual tenure. Government policy during this period was clearly focused upon the issues of European settlement and the problems of East African finances. However, land alienation and the economic policies related to the areas of European settlement resulted in mounting tension as the Africans resented the alienation of land and as Asians began to demand rights to land. ii) Dual Policy, 1923 - 1945 The foregoing gave rise to Dual Policy 1923-1945. Dual Policy was an attempt to appease both the British government and settlers community in Kenya. Briefly, the policy was that inorder to develop the African areas, all able bodied men must strive to produce a marketable surplus from other holdings. Those who could not produce such a surplus had to offer their services either in European farms or in the infrastructural construction sector in the port, railway branches, roads or migrate to thr urban centres for a wage income. Dual Policy mainly existed in paper. There was little on the ground in terms of extension staff, training facilities, infrastructural finances to support the development of African areas. Nonetheless, modest development was achieved which can be summarized to four points(Campbell and Migot-Adholla 1981:27): a) Establishment of two agricultural schools for Africans one at Kabete, the other at Bukura b) Establishment of local authorities to regulate forestry and,land use;construct roads and supervise health and educational facilities. c) The establishment of district betterment funds. d) Identification of overstocking and overgrazing as a problem in African areas and the beginnings of policies designed to deal with these problems through the marketing of surplus livestock by compulsion if necessary. In implementing the dual policy, the African land was considered uniform in the sense that no distinction was made between the more humid and the ASAL areas. Indeed,development efforts were concentrated on the more familiar and humid high potential areas and medium potential areas. Efforts in the ASAL development were focused upon reducing soil erosion, overgrazing and veterinary campaigns to reduce the incidence of livestock diseases among the native livestock a measure designed primarily to protect the European livestock economy in Kenya. In general the ASALS were considered unproductive; damaging to the environment and a potential hazard to the european ranching sector. It is now evident that the colonial policy towards the development of African livestock sector in the ASALS was discouraging and centered on the removing grazing pressure on the ASAL land through marketing of the surplus livestock and the unpopular and compulsory destocking campaigns. The Akamba resistance to such destocking policy in 1938 is a case in point. The government in a bid to offer land to the white settlers (like elsewhere in the country) created native reserves for the Akamba (Mutiso 1977:44) writes, "As events were to prove later, the population in these reserves of both animals and people increased in some areas" to the critical population density of over 400 people per square mile". The administrators felt that the solution could be found in reducing the number of cattle that the Akamba had. Vague estimate pointed 150,000 heads of cattle in 1938. It is felt that economic exploitation of the Akamba livestock was the major aim of destocking policy. This point is brought home by the establishment of Liebigs Meat Factory 1930. To keep this industry in operation,compulsory destocking was inevitable. In fact it was at the verge of collapse at the end of 1937. The outbreak of the Second World war wiped out the modest efforts towards the development of African agriculture. Hence, the official neglect of African agriculture lasted until the end of the war. This official rethinking of the role of African agriculture was made possible due to a number of factors. First, the colonial economy had been ravaged by the worldwide depression of the 1930's. Second, the British government re- quired colonies to be self sufficient in agricultural production and also augment the settler sector. Thirdly, in the 1930's the demand for labour on the european farms slackened and thus extra labour which could be extended to African production was available. Finally, problems resulting from population increase within the restricted native reserves were out of control. Soil erosion and land degradation were widespread and with the end of the war greater attention to the development of African areas was seen as essential to the reconstruction of the economy. iii) The Ten Year Plan: 1946-1955 This ten year development plan called for the total development of African land, cooperative, livestock and water resources. The plan was part of a proposal to reduce population pressure in the African areas and it emphasized that people should be resettled outside of their traditional areas on occupied or little used land. This would facilitate the reconditioning and rehabilitation of traditional African areas. The African Resettlement Board was consequently set up in 1945 to supervise this process but the policy was quickly de-emphasized in favour of a more comprehensive plan to develop the African areas, namely, The African Land Development Organisation (ALDEV). iv) The African Land Development Organization (ALDEV) ALDEV was a multi-disciplinary statutory board whose functions were threefold: a) Financial control and planning various development projects. b) Coordination of the various activities within any one project area and between various areas. c) Carrying out surveying and engineering works where necessary. The projects which were likely to lead to further self sus- taining developments were favoured. Similarly, loans rather than grants were encouraged if the project was financially and economically viable and fees for maintenance for the project and schemes were collected from the beneficiaries. Strict stock limitation was still enforced, a measure which made the Ministry of Agriculture particularly unpopular among the African people. The ALDEV concentrated most of its thought of action and resources in a few resources ASAL districts. Included in these were Samburu, West Pokot, Baringo, Machakos, Kitui, Taita and Kajiado. The projects in these districts covered a wide range including: settlement schemes, grazing control and management schemes and afforestation of steep slopes of the ASAL areas. ALDEV will be remembered for generating useful knowledge on how to rehabilitate and recondition the degraded lands. Indeed, by 1954 a substantial part of the African areas had been rehabilitated. Agricultural production started to increase due to soil conservation, better land use,grazing control, livestock improvement, rural water supplies and settlement in previously little or unoccupied lands. It is important to note that resettlements were not realistic long-term solution to the population increase in the African areas and policy shifted to emphasize the intensification of agriculture in African areas as reflected in the Swynnerton Plan 1955. v) The Swynnerton Plan, 1955 The rationale behind this plan was to follow up the previous ten year plan and the work of the ALDEV. The policy was to intensify African agriculture in Kenya through land consolidation, an increase in cash crop production, better management and improvement of livestock development of ranching schemes, improvement of rural water supplies, provision of agricultural inputs and credit and expansion and provision of extension staff. The Swynnerton Plan focused on the identification of those areas requiring specific attention. This was a policy shift from the earlier condemnation of the ASALS as economically useless areas and previous treatment of all African areas as a homogenous land from ecological point of view. It was recognized that these areas were a major source of livestock and their products. What was needed was sound livestock management coupled by ready and adequate outlets for the excess stock,a measure which has not been fully realised to date. The intensification of land use in the ASALS included stock limitation, livestock marketing, water developments and tsetse fly eradication. Some 40 major development schemes were identified and budgeted for. The districts in the ASALS which were to benefit most from this plan included Machakos, Kitui, Taita, South Nyanza, Kwale, Lamu, West Pokot, Baringo, Samburu, Lower Elgeyo Marakwet,Lower Kiambu,Mukogodo Division of Laikipia and the Maasai districts of Kajiado and Narok. The colonial agronomic experts were in favour of individual land tenure they concluded that proper husbandry under indigenous tenure was unrealistic and recommended individualisation of tenure among the indigenous people a point which further underscored by the East Afican Royal Commission 1953-1955. The E.A.R.C argued that "individual tenure has great advantages in giving individuals a sense of security in possession and in enabling by purchase and sale of land and adjustment to be made by the community from the present unsatisfactory fragmented holdings to units of economic size" Kibwana (1990 : 237) argues that "it is a pity that the Commission did not consider other forms of land tenure or even recommend a mixture of tenurial arrangements. Moreover,it seemed that the E.A.R.C was being used to rubberstamp a decision which had already started being implementedparticularly in Kikuyu country. It overlooked the customary notion of every member of an ethnic community holding land for subsistence." In the same reading J.W.James argues that "high productivity, hardly social justice is necessarily achieved by individual tenure and accumulation of land in a few hands of the most progressive people in society." In addition with individualisation, the evil process of land speculation and absentee landlordism also became real. We now see the Sweyn- nerton Plan of 1954 concluded that consolidation and farm planning would ultimately generate employment to absorb any disposed segment of the population. Registration of land would convert African owned land into a marketable commodity and title to such land would then be freely transferable or changeable as security for development credit. The process of registration would also increase the security of title, providing further incentive to invest. As we move to independent Kenya, it is clear that the 1966-1970 Development Plan individualisation of tenure was the government policy. The Plan stated that it had been proved in the past that for a significant number of farmers , registration and where appropriate consolidation of their holdings stimulates increase in efficiency and output far out of proportion to the cost of process. (C) LAND TENURE IN INDEPENDENT KENYA We have seen that during the ALDEV and Swynnerton Plan, the African areas had began to receive major attention. However, there was still an equal concentration of resources in the European areas. The advent of independence called for a differ- ent set of priorities and a corresponding policy shift to address this priorities. The Government policy at the eve of Independence was to merge the two agricultural systems in Kenya: the African and Euro- pean. The Government conceded to the African demands for the transfer and redistribution of land previously reserved for Europeans only to Africans. This was achieved through a land transfer and resettlement programme for Africans which occupied the next decade (i.e 1960-1970). The land tenure was mainly individual. It is important to note that land currently held under customary law continues to be converted into individual tenure. This has led to land hunger and particularly among the people in the high potential areas. Shock-waves are now being felt in the ASALs where there is no standing policy on the optimal size of individual holding. The overall effect failure of agricultural efforts based on highland technologies. 3.5.2. POVERTY (A) The Pre-Colonial Period During the Pre-colonial period in Kenya the ASAL communities were organised in accordance with specific values which deter- mined their social, cultural, economic and political systems. In these traditional societies, the economic systems were based on pastoralism. Thus, the issue of poverty viewed in today's standards could not arise mainly because the people lived according to the dictates of the prevailing environmental forces. It is imperative to point out that very little in terms of centralised policy for development directed towards poverty reduction in ASAL communities could have existed. Indeed, points out that 'Pre-colonial societies in ASAL and elsewhere showed very little stratification in their standards of living' what was evident was an integrated nature of relationships between pastoralists and neighbouring sedentary agriculturalists. (B) The Colonial Period The establishment of colonial rule in Kenya and the contact with western nations had a devastating effect by dislocating the natural operation of internal regulations that controlled the process of resource utilization for the ASAL communities. Thus, the establishment of the colonial administration particularly from 1905 and the consequent alienation of land resulted in the negligence of the ASAL areas. Indeed no concrete policy was formulated to address poverty or how the livelihood systems of the pastoral communities would be uplifted. Due to shortage of land and the disruption of life, poverty as seen from a European perspective set in. Western(1982) points at the alienation of grazing land for European ranching and wildlife created poverty among the pastoral communities in many parts of Kenya. They required large tracts of land to roam their livestock seasonally. It wasn't until 1945 when what can be seen as the first policy towards addressing the problems of the ASAL areas was formulated. This as we have seen was articulated through the Ten Year Plan of 1946-1955. The plan called for total development of African land, crop, livestock and water resources. However, not much was achieved by ALDEV in terms of addressing poverty related issues in ASAL communities. Indeed, the people were now becoming more and more impoverished as their grazing land shrank. Land degradation was widespread and this led to decline in the productive of the resource base. From 1955-1960 the Swynnerton Plan was drawn. This acted as the primary sources of policy development in Kenya; it was mainly a follow-up of the ALDEV plan. The policy articulated by the Swynnerton plan 1954 was geared towards the intensification of African agriculture in Kenya through land consolidation, better management of livestock and ranching schemes. A notable contribution towards addressing poverty of the ASALS was the specific identification that these areas required attention. This was a major shift from the earlier colonial view that ASAL areas were economically dead. For instance, it was, then recognised that, 'a constant and valuable flow of livestock and their products could be derived from them if only proper livestock management could be achieved, coupled by ready market and adequate markets for excess livestock.' This sentiment and concern still stands to-date. It is imperative to point out that no concrete action or programmes were put in place in line with the new shift policy towards ASAL resource development. Since land was the basis of wealth in ASAL communities, and this had already been alienated, rural poverty worsened. (C) Post-Colonial Period With the attainment of Independence in 1963, the Government embarked on a conceited effort to address poverty related issues in Kenya. The main policy statement for addressing various development issues of the country was set out first in Sessional Paper No.1 of 1965. Though certain specific programmes, particularly on land transfer were laid out, after a number of years it was evident that the ASALS were not getting the required attention. There was unequal development in the high and low potential areas as reflected in such infrustratural facilities as education,. health, transport and communication. Thus just like during the colonial period the development of ASAL areas was given low priority until 1970 when there was another shift of policy . This time the ''Government took a major evaluation of the potential contribution that ASAL areas could make for the national economy. We note that though the Government showed concern, it was more preoccupied with what the ASAL areas could contribute than how the standard of the people could be improved. The first concrete step incoming to terms with poverty alleviation in ASALS was the implementation of the "Marginal Lands Pre-investment Study Project" carried out in 1977. The results were published in the 1979 policy paper entitled 'The Arid and Semi-Arid lands of Kenya; A framework for Implementation, Programme Planning and Evaluation.' Thus, between 1974 and 1978, the government aimed at 'Revising methods of developing the less favoured areas.' Despite all the efforts and policies which mainly remain more or less as statements of intent, it is clearer that by 1979 the government had to give a fresh look towards poverty and more particularly to the poorer of the poor based in ASAL areas. Indeed the theme of the 1979-1983 development plan was "alleviation of poverty and provision of basic needs." This was perhaps in realisation that nothing tangible had yet been achieved in terms of reducing poverty for the majority of the people more so in the ASALS. From then until current times, the government policies have thus shifted to the development problems and poverty in the ASALS. As a result of the Sessional paper No.1 of 1986, a new approach to ASAL development was enacted; this was to be achieved through what was referred to as second generation ASAL policies and programmes. The main objectives among others include: a) Making available the means of exploiting the important production potentials of ASAL resources, thereby contributing significantly to incomes, employment and food security. b) Generating opportunities for improving the quality of present and future populations on a sustainable basis. The current plan 1994-1996 states that ''despite efforts made to develop the ASALS, numerous constraints still exist which slowed down many of the development projects.'' We should point out that though this policy shift was important, it did not have any significant impact in the living standards of the people living in ASALS. Oba (1993) points out that ''as a result of livestock loss and total impoverishment of nomadic families, dependence on famine relief food by a population which has traditionally been self-reliant has increased.'' In concluding this section, it is important to point out that, the main considerations for focusing attention on ASAL development in the late 1970's and 1980's has been the premise that most of the "resource-poor" live in these areas. Infact, one measure of poverty which perhaps serves to illustrate how desperate the conditions are is the nutritional status of chil- dren under five. The 1992 drought baseline study indicates that stunting growth levels in ASAL areas were very high then. Thus, poverty has not declined among the ASAL communities since the existing policies have not been effective. The policies were mainly based on externally developed theories and propositions. We shall return to this topic a little latter and discuss it in the light of Structural Adjustment Programme (SAPS), trade, Earth Summit and Desertification convention. 3.5.3 EDUCATION AND TRAINING (A) Pre-Colonial Period Education in Kenya can be viewed from different historical periods. Thus the objectives and policies for Education have been formulated in the light of prevailing conditions during these periods. During the pre-colonial period, the type of education existing in the ASAL areas was indigenous education. Otiende (1990) remarks that this type of education had no literacy and cannot therefore be seen in terms of formal education as we know it today. There was no centralized formal policy of education for each of the different ASAL communities in Kenya. The main objective for education was to fit the young people into their groups within their community. As a result, the young would be instructed informally or through certain social -cultural institutions on how to conserve the groups cultural heritage, adopt to the environment and how to exploit it for survival. For instance, the pastoral communities were most interested in skills knowledge and behaviour which could enable them to look after their animals, the seasons and how to enhance their effective participation in society. Despite the above advantages, the indigenous education had certain weaknesses. To begin with, the curriculum was narrow and rigid and the responsibility of instruction was the preserve of the elders. Second, lack of literacy meant that people were not able to interact easily with others from different culture. This heterogeneity tended to create hostility between different ethnic communities. It can be concluded that this education was not based on any centralized policy and that each group tried to maintain the educational standards. which were directly beneficial to them and to future generations of their cultural settings. (B) The Colonial Period The European missionaries were the first people to show interest in provision of western, formal education. Before 1895 missionaries of various denominations had already established schools in various parts of Kenya. Otiende (1990). The main purpose of missionary education was "to uplift the spiritual well-being of the less fortunate members of the world community.'' Among the Maasai, formal education was a threat to that system in that it forced them become sedentary agriculturalists and introduced school age grade. However, not much was achieved in terms of setting up schools in ASAL areas since they were already viewed as unproductive and the people hostile. There was also the problem of communication until the opening of the interior by the Kenya-Uganda railway. With time, the colonial government started taking part in educational activities in the country. The policy orientation as indicated by numerous educational commissions was geared towards the provision of industrial education which was necessary for producing African labour for the emerging European type of economy. In this regard, it became clear no opportunities were provided for the ASAL areas since they were seen as unproductive and consequently would contribute very little to the national economy. For instance, the Frazer Commission of 1911 advocated for racially segregated education, industrially based curriculum for Africans in those areas that the settlers had annexed. The Beecher Commission of 1949 is perhaps considered to be the highlight in education during the colonial era. It emphasized the "social and economic development of the African masses largely through their being educated." It advocated the retention of the status quo, which was hardly implemented, due to emergency. From the foregoing, it is clear that the colonial policy ignored the educational needs of the ASAL communities. Hence indigenous prevailed over the western education in the ASAL areas. (C) Post-Colonial Period: Most of the ASAL areas in Kenya inherited similar problems of inequality of educational opportunities as reflected in the colonial educational policies. They favoured high potential areas and neglected the ASAL areas which were still being viewed as economically unproductive. Number of schools and enrolment increased among the Maasai. Parents are now willing to invest on education because it provides alternative means of living, mainly employment. Research by KENGO (1995) has shown that land unavailability is pushing the Maasai into other alternative means of livelihood. One such example is the Eco-tourism. It involves some members of the community organising traditional dances, art and cultural heritage for payment by tourists. In addition, the Maasai communities bordering some the Amboseli and Mara National parks are benefitting from the proceedings from Tourism. This way, they are able to conserve wildlife. The first comprehensive policy recommendations were put forward by the 1964 Ominde Commission. The commission spelt out Kenya's national goals, emphasising the respect for the nation's culture, social equality and development for all. All other policy documents have continued to draw educational aspirations from the Commissions recommendations. For instance, the 1966-1970 development plan viewed the country long range educational goals in the provision of universal primary education. To achieve this and other educational objectives under central control by the government, the 1968 Education Act was enacted. It was not until 1979 that there was a need to re-address the issue of education and training for the ASAL groups. The government policy stated in the 1979-1983 Development Plan was to "deal with the twin problem of poverty alleviation and land rehabilitation in Semi-Arid areas." This was to be achieved through the creation and expansion of school and training centres in ASAL areas. This policy had little impact since only a few schools were established in various districts within the ASAL regions. By 1988 there was a shift on policy as review on education in Kenya carried out by Presidential Working party on Education and Training for the next decade and beyond. This review of Sessional Paper No.8 of 1988 which has by and large determined the philosophy and scope of education and training programmes up to date. In the last few years, the government has pursued a quota system for both secondary and higher education in various of ASALS. This effort has been to provide equal educational opportunities in the country. In spite of this however, literacy skill levels are still very low in most of the ASAL areas. In addi- tion, enrolment in school is low, drop-out rates are high and majority of the people still see education as one sure way of denying families the much needed labour for herding livestock as well as destroying their culture. As a result of the intro- duction of the 8-4- 4 system of education, the introduction of vocational and technical courses at each level of the formal education was enhanced. The introduction of cost-sharing as one of the requirement of the structural adjustment programmes, has had adverse effect in the ASALs education. Low incomes have made it difficult for people to meet their obligation in cost sharing process which is reflected in poor physical facilities in these areas. 3.5.4 WATER, PASTURE AND LIVESTOCK. (A) Pre-colonial Period It has already been explained that the pastoral communities were able to maintain a reasonable balance between pasture, water resources and livestock. This was done through the flexibility in the use of range resources. In addition, the environmental perception, the skills, knowledge and attitudes developed by each community facilitated the maintenance of this ecological balance. The common feature of the pastoral nomadic communities was communal ownership of land. Hence, each pastoral group owned a territory. Landuse within the tribal territory was through extensive grazing, based on seasonal distribution of rainfall and the availability of water and forage. Controlled grazing systems, with patterns of landuse divided up into dry season, wet season and drought reserves existed (Oba, 1990). Livestock therefore moved from one zone to another throughout the years as circumstances demanded. Migration was perhaps the major adaptive strategy applied by all pastoralists in the utilization of limited forage and water resources. The principal goal of all pastoral families was to build herds large enough to meet the family's socio-economic and subsistence needs. If a family was successful in building large herds, this increased its socio-economic and cultural opportunities. Large herds acted as insurance against drought, diseases and raids. We therefore see a very highly organised and complex system of livestock keeping by the pastoral communities during the Pre-colonial period. This system was in balance with the prevailing environmental conditions. In addition, their economies were not completely isolated from those of neighbouring agricultural communities. When milk supply was low, they would always supplement their diet with grains primarily obtained by barter trade and other non-market transactions. (Kelly, 1993). This system of livestock keeping and pasture utilization was grossly interfered with by the coming of colonialism. (B) Colonial Period With the advent of colonialism in Kenya, the transformation of the pastoral and nomadic societies begun. Just like the issue of land alluded to earlier in this paper, livestock keeping and its cultural importance to ASAL communities was seen as a problematic aspect of the colonial development process. The 1902 Crownlands Act and its strengthening in 1909, grazing land for ASAL communities was annexed to facilitate the settlement of white farmers as well as for the exclusive use of wildlife. This had a direct impact on pastoral communities in that they were pushed further into the drier areas with consequent loss of animals due to drought and lack of water. This also lead to increased environmental degradation. The colonial administration therefore introduced an ethnocentrically "British" image of the pastoralist and his livestock. This formed the basis of the policy formulation for the "development" of the ASAL areas. Thus, as Collet D. (in Anderson,1989 :129) states "The administrative goal for the pastoralists is sedentarization and the conversion of the pastoralists into agriculturalists." The consequences of fail- ure to accept such a transition were bluntly spelt out, " the pastoralist either alters his habits or ceases to exist." Thus policy formulation equated nomadic and semi-nomadic pastoralism with a primitive and under developed form of social order contrasted with European civilization. Consequently, the ultimate negligence of the pastoral communities in the gaining economically from European contact. This notion and thinking was the basis of policy development throughout the colonial period . Hence, pastoralism was not seen as a viable form of production in the ASAL environment. The pastoralists were removed from their traditional grazing lands. In this regards, the establishment of boundaries to separate European from Africa lands. The Akamba are a case in point. Most of the grazing lands were immediately transformed into ordered farmlands which had a serious impact on the livelihoods of the communities, their livestock and even wildlife ( Colett D. in Anderson ,1989 : 140). The colonial period also introduced another element into 1D life of the ASAL people. While both sedentary and nomadic pastoralism continued to exist, the commercial aspect of cattle keeping changed the value and lifestyle of the livestock keepers in Kenya. It is important to note that among the ASAL communities, cattle were not kept for sale or profit. Thus, "cattle rustling and raiding had been the only source of replacing lost herds." ( Ogutu in R.Ochieng in 1990 :41). The purchase of animals spread them into other communities usually against the will of the pastoral communities. Commercial pastoralism pioneered by Lord Delemare soon led to further marginalisation of the ASAL regions. The European farms reared both beef and dairy cattle which led to the establishment of Kenya Co-operative Creameries to prepare and market milk products. Similarly the Kenya Meat Commission was established to check overstocking in places like Ukambani. Commercial pastoralism was adopted as the only alternative of improving livestock in the marginal areas. Consequently, with the Local Government Ordinance Act, markets were opened every- where in the reserves and livestock keeping begun to take new functions. This European form of "pastoralism" was characte- rised by the creation of ranches that covered the less hostile ASAL areas. The indigenous ASAL communities were pushed further into marginal areas, and this eventually created overstocking and the ensuing environmental degradation in the areas. The ASAL communities were thus put into these vicious cycle of poverty. In summary, it can be clearly seen that before colonisation pastoral communities depended on the inter-relationship between four main parameters: the needs of the people, the cultural belief systems, the resources at their disposal (mainly live- stock) and the activities involved in the utilization of these resources i.e. the grazing skills in relation to changing climatic conditions. With colonisation however, the traditional systems of livestock keeping were broken and hence the ensuing conflict between traditional and agro-pastoralists; between national parks and past. This conflict spilled over in to the post-colonial period in Kenya. (C) The Post-colonial Period At independence, the new government more or less chose to continue with the development model introduced earlier by the colonialists. Though the Policy Paper No.1 of 1965 was to form the basis of development for the country, other policy documents largely maintained status quo. This , therefore led to the further marginalisation of the major resources of the ASAL people. With passage of time, there was a general feeling that the ASAL communities should also benefit from the fruit of independence despite the enormous cost of harnessing the resources. This feeling is reflected in the 1964-1974 Development Plan which states that " although the development of the pastoral areas will yield lower returns, they will receive greater attention than in the past." Attention at this time was focused on the development of ranching. To increase beef production, the government aimed at "improving the ranching practices of the pastoral people of Kenya." However, this was not clearly spelt out possibly because the pastoral communities had not at any one time adopted "ranching" in the real sense of the word and as part of the adaptive strategies and sustainable livelihoods. It was not until 1974 that another review of the impacts of past policies for ASAL livestock development was done. This revealed the fact that the ASAL people had become even more poorer, their grazing pastures had become devastated by lack of enough water, rainfall as well as by serious environmental degradation. Consequently the government underscored the need for research and trial programmes with the resultant the 1976 Semi-Arid lands Pre-investment Study teams were established. Their main task was to quantify the developable resources in the ASAL areas and suggest suitable projects. (Development Plan 1974-1978 : 198). Despite the effort by the Government , the policies still never concretized the development of the livestock industry in the ASAL regions. In fact, it came as a shock to planners that upto 1979 no tangible achievement in terms of poverty reduction had been achieved. By 1970 the rangelands contributed 20% of the estimated national output of beef. After five years (1975) their contribution had dropped to 13.5% in the face of greater production from the more popular areas of higher potential. Chemonics, (1977) predicted that as the grazing land were ASAL faced with the problem of land being turned into agriculture, implying further impoverishment of the communities. It is essential to make it clear that the policies failed to recognize the fact that traditional pastoralism, unlike ranch- ing, is a subsistence activity which has the capacity and can support more people on the same area of land. In addition, ownership of livestock lies in far more hands and that herd structure and management are geared to the production of several different resources. It is also essential to recognize that the sale of pastoralists, cattle particularly in the 1970s for cash was a last solution in to save the stock from starvation and death. At this point, the settler would normally receive low prices because of the large supply of similar low quality beasts (Meadows and White 1979). Failure of the early post-independent policies promoted the government to formulate specific ones geared towards poverty reduction. These were to be achieved through the ten ongoing range management programmes, pre-investment studies and rationalization of all development programmes. Three river basin development Authorities within ASAL areas were established and the Ministry of water completed the first phase of the national Masterplan for the Kenyan waters. In recognition of the importance of livestock of in the economy of the ASALS, the Ministry of Education initiated a project to construct arid zone educational centres to provide both formal and informal residential education. Environmental degradation,devastation of livestock duringsevere droughts and the need for famine relief at such times has forced the Government to re-address ASAL development policies in the 1990s. For instance, the 1989 to 1993 Development plan stated that "it is quite clear to everyone now, that livestock remains the most profitable way of utilizing the extensive rangelands of the ASAL." Thus, all policies for the 1990s and beyond have been based on that notion. Various documents indicate that the policy would be achieved through disease control, range rehabilitation, water harvesting techniques and restocking. (GOK, 1992). Due to the experiences of severe drought in the last few years, several government agencies and NGOS have tended to concentrate more on restocking. This has been due to the fact that pastoralists say they can anticipate minor drought every three or four years and a major drought every ten years or so. (Kelley, 1993 :4). Drought is not the only type of disaster which affects livestock in ASALS,decimation of herds by fatal diseases also poses a serious threat. The aim of restocking policy is normally to help people to re-establish or increase their livestock holdings and implicitly far than to return to a semi-nomadic pastoral way of life with their herds (Kelley,1993 :6). The restocking, like all other policies for rehabilitating local production systems is a short-term relief programme. To reduce livestock loss particularly during bad seasons, the Government recently passed a motion urging the setting up of marketing facilities for beef production in the rangelands. It was also proposed that the Kenya Meat Commission should be privatised with the on-going privatisation policy. Marketing infrastructure for livestock in ASAL regions has been needed for many years. Farmers have to trek long distances to dispose off their animals to buyers. Transporting animals in this way means a loss of weight for animals and hence lower prices for the pastoralists. Therefore, the policy for introducing the pastoralists to the cash economy does not seem to have been backed by the required infrastructure. This further leads to the impoverishment of the pastoralist and a loss to the country in terms of beef production. One may argue in conclusion that the present livestock develop- ment policies for ASALs evolved from a recognition of inade- quencies of previous ones in addressing the basic needs of the pastoralists. During the colonial era the ASAL were dismissed as economically dead. However, current policies which acknowledge the potential of the pastoralists economy, are nonetheless unacceptable by local people. These policies are mainly based on profit maximization, a concept which is non existent among the pastoralists. Indeed, the 1994-1996 Development plan alludes to the failure of past policies when it states that "despite efforts to develop the ASALs, numerous constraints still exist which have slowed down many of the development projects; for example harsh and complex environment , threat of drought ,resource scarcity,low land potential using present technology....". (Development Plan , 1993-1996:142). Development experts should recognise the fact that the western science of range management is not entirely suitable for the ASAL communities. Therefore, lessons must be learned from the pre-colonial period and this points to the fact that in the ASALs, extensive grazing by pastoral nomads is the best form of land use. This calls for a re-examination of other competing and conflicting land uses. The options do not seem to be very many; either the ASAL livestock keepers convert to sedentary agriculturalists , industrialists we may have to the ASAL address their problems according to their Social-cultural and environmental setting. In other words, we should avoid to impose highland or wet regions resource utilization and development models to the ASAL. Of course with the current structural adjustment policies and privatisation, the financial implications of providing the necessary infrastructural facilities and water for "settled" pastoralists is enormous. This is the challenge in policy formulation and development for sustainable livelihoods in the ASAL areas of Kenya. 3.5.5 WILDLIFE AND TOURISM. Wildlife and tourism are very much related. Kenya is well re- known for its wildlife and tourism. Forests comprise about 3% of the land area vital as both wildlife habitats and water catchment areas. The majority of Kenya's wildlife inhabit the ASALs meaning that most of the country's foreign exchange is derived from the ASALs. The tourism sector is the single leading foreign exchange earning sector and since 1987. the earnings from the sector have been increasing steadily to the extent that these earnings have been more than those from combined coffee, tea and traditional foreign exchange earners (GOK, 1993). Consequently, the sector is of great importance as it relates to foreign exchange and revenue to the central government and local authorities in the ASALs. Despite the important role of tourism industry, a number of factors hinder its development and direct benefits to the communities. First, there is no tourism development Master Plan leading to inadequate planning and coordination in the sector. This is reflected in the past plans which saw tourism and wildlife in terms of maximizing net returns subject to economic, social, cultural and environmental constraints,(GOK,1993: 194.). Second, some wildlife species have been severely depleted by "poaching". Fencing of privatized and farmland has blocked movement corridors between wet seasons and dry-season wildlife ranges. Third, unplanned tourism can be detrimental to wild- life. In the ASAL areas around Maasai Mara, where there has been a prolification of tourism camps, the number of tourists and intensified use of the area has been raised to levels that are sometimes damaging to the ecosystems. For instance, off the road driving can cause soil erosion and disturb birds and ani- mals in their natural habitats. Tourism, unless carefully planned to benefit and integrate the needs of the local commu- nities may lead to the displacement and economic marginalization of the ASAL communities. 3.5.6 HEALTH CARE: The provision of health care is not only a basic need but also a pre-requisite for economic development. Generally, the health status of a country can be assessed by a number of indicators including the crude death rate, infant mortality rate and life expectancy at birth and the number of medical staff and facilitators, available per unit population GOK (1989:19). A) Pre-Colonial Period In Kenya, like many African countries, the communities had different ways of categorizing disease and illness. This was due to environmental perception and cultural adaption. There were traditional healers with multi-specialisation including bone setting and mid-wifery.. Many communities living both in ASALs and high potential areas still "seek treatment in traditional medicine, ethnomedicine and modern medicine simultaneously for the same episode of illness or for different illness" (Sindiga 1990: 138). B) Colonial Period It can be said that the Western biomedical facilities were brought by the early European missionaries at the end of the nineteenth century. These early health facilities were located away from the African population, mainly in towns and areas where the Europeans were found. The early colonial policy was to replace traditional medical practice with the Western one. It was only after the country suffered severe losses from several diseases epidemics which included small pox, malaria and plague that the colonial administrators set up health facilities in the African areas closer to urban centres and European population. In addition, the colonial government began to subsidise the church health centres. C) Post-Colonial Period The health care delivery system at the time of Independence in 1963 was very inadequate in terms of the number distribution of medical facilities and personnel. As a result, there was high incidence of morbidity and death rate especially child mortality (GOK 1989:3). It was welcome move by many communities when the Government declared free medical services and instituted programmes to spread health services to the rural areas through increasing both physical and human resources. The Post-Independence health has aimed at reducing the uneven distribution of health facilities. This involves the improvement of access to health facilities and disparity between districts. Another aspect of the post-independence health care delivery system has been the establishment and expansion of the medical training centre at Kenyatta National Hospital to include the training of nurses, public health officers and pharmaceutical technologists. In addition, college of Health Sciences of University of Nairobi and Moi- Universities have also Medical Schools. The independent Government has also helped to construct many health facilities on self-help basis "Harambee". Through this Institutional set up the old health centres have been expanded to include wings which are now called "Nyayo Wards". The 1970s, 1980s and 1990s have witnessed the expansion and improvement of primary health care delivery system to the rural areas. Despite, this commendable efforts the ASALs are yet to health care delivery system closer to the population concentrations away from the urban areas. Today, some of the health centres still suffer from lack of equipment, staff and drug shortages. Non-governmental organizations have also played a significant role in the improvement of the primary health care delivery system in the ASALs. The current government policy is from curative to preventive services through improvement of personal hygiene, sanitation, clean water supply nutrition, housing, health education and disease control. 3.5.7 DRYLAND FARMING AND AGROFORESTRY Dryland farming and agro-forestry offer alternative livelihood systems in the ASALs. The major colleges of agricultural development in these areas have already been discussed and include the inherent uncertainty of rainfall, high evapotranspiration rates, low organic matter, levels, several labour bottle necks, poor roads and marketing systems, and salinity and attendant soil degradation. Sustainable livelihood systems based on dryland farming depend on the systems that conserve the scarce water resources for crop production through rain water harvesting technologies. In addition, to the following; a) early land preparation and dry early planting in rows to allow inter-row cultivation; b) Inter-Cropping maize with pulses and confining the area of millet and sorghum to localize pure stands to minimize the bird- scaring requirement; c) Use of improved varieties including maize, sorghum, pigeon peas and green grams; and d) use of animal manure and/or fertilizer and pest control in the field and the store. (i) FORESTRY Until recently, the activities of the Forest Department within the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources concentrated on the production and protection in the high potential areas of the country. In the ASALs, the thrust was on the "protection of isolated hillside water catchments. Currently, the Department has made a significant effort to involve the local community in tree planting as measure to achieve environmental conservation. This has been done through bushland management and social forestry. The major challenge is low and unreliable illegal exploitation of ASAL bush and forest the issue of property rights when it comes to the social forestry establishment. Forest and woodland are resources are dwindling as a result of pressure for domestic energy, fencing building poles. 3.5.8 ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION AND CONSERVATION IN THE ASALS Development experts have failed to see how the ASALs which are characterised by comparatively low population density, pressure on available resources has led to environmental degradation. The truth of the matter is that the ASAL natural base is very low and any slight imbalance between population and supporting resources can result in environmental degradation or desertification. Desertification has been defined as lnd degradation in arid and semi-arid dry sub-humid areas resulting from various fctors including climatic variations and human activities (UN 1992) a result of the realization of the fact that desertifcation is mjor economic, social and environmental problem of concern to mny countries in all regions of the world, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) called on the UN General Assembly to estblish an Intergovernmental Negotiation Commiittee (INCD) to prepare for Convention to Combat Desertification in those countries Experiencing serious Drought and/or Desertification, particularly in Africa. The convention was adopted in June 1994 in Paris. Landuse trends which include migration of people from high potential to the ASALs; displacement of pastoralists through the expansion of agriculture, urbanization and gazettment of land for conservation; conversion of key production areas to crop production. Sedentarization of pastoralists , land privatisation ,overuse of range resources , overuse of water re- sources, have all lead to land degradation. Landuse trends and population migrations from the high potential areas to the ASALs and from the ASALS to the rural, urban centres and water points have affected the environment in a number of ways. First, the displacement of pastoralists through the expansion of agricul- ture , urbanization and gazetment of land for conservation purposes have reduced the amount of land available for extensive pastoral livestock economy. This has reduced the adaptive strategies of the pastoralists which was based on the movement and flexibility of range resources. This conversion of the key production areas to cultivation by the agro-pastoralists has made pastoralists vulnerable to drought and the attendant famine. Second, the sedentarization of pastoralists to availability of such central services as education, health, water, veterinary and relief services has led to environmental degradation through overgrazing, vegetation and overuse of wood and water resources. The implementation of the Resolution on the Urgent Action for Africa is partinent to the eradcation of poverty and land degradation in the ASALs of Kenya. The Government has come up with a number of National Action Programme to meet this requirement. Similarly the NGOs have formed a National Co- ordinating Committee to Combat Desertification (NNCCD) which aims at awareness creaation the ASAL communities, among other things. 3.5.9 INFRASTRUCTURE AND ENTERPRISE DEVELOPMENT The development of social services and public infrastructure is necessary to support the socio-economic development of the ASALs. It includes water supply, sanitation, solid waste management, drainage, ventilation and lighting. Any settlement that lacks basic or infrastructural facilities suffers a loss in the quality of life of its residents. Similarly, the management of this facilities have a far reaching effect on the environment. However the provision of these services during the Pre-colonial and colonial periods and to a certain extent the independence period were significantly less widespread especially in the ASALs. At independence, most of the policies formulated to promote development in the ASALs tended to concentrate more on live- stock, agriculture and environmental management, thus giving very little priority to the development of social infrastruc- ture. In 1986, through the Sessional paper No.1, the Government realized the urgent need to address the issue. Thus, the policy paper states that" priority would be given to infrastructure development that promoted growth of productive employment in small scale agro-industry manufacturing and commercial enterprise." In outlining that broad policy the Government also recognised the need to create non-farm job opportunities in the informal sector to absorb the increasing ASAL population. Despite that attention, a look at most of the rural access and minor roads within the ASAL regions show poor or no development at all. Indeed only a few major urban centres within the ASAL areas have electricity, water and non-motorable roads during the rainy season. Other major services are non-existent in the majority of the urban areas within the ASALS,the interior is worse. By 1989, not much had been achieved in terms of infrastructural development in the ASALS a factor that led to a major re-orientation of overall development policy in the country. There was the incorporation of the structural adjustment process in the land development planning. The structural adjustment process, (SAPS) which basically was seen as " the implementation of comprehensive shifts in macro and micro policies to rectify inappropriate past policies. The policies of the international institutions such as the World Bank, had negative impacts on infrastructural development in the ASALs. It is right to point out that unfair terms of trade, wasteful consumption patterns in the North, transfer of inappropriate technologies, trade liberation, political patronage, and total disregard of peoples culture and values have all served to aggravate the land degradation problems in the ASALS (Awori A. and Odhiambo O. 1993 . 14) In an effort to address the problem of low incomes in the ASALS, the Government proposed the establishment of a series of rural trade and production centres (RTPCS), which were meant to act as nuclei for economic activity, providing markets and outlets for products within the districts. There was the need therefore to provide the necessary infrastructural facilities to the RTPCS, a process which is still going on with the aid of donor funds. It is imperative to point out that with the rapidly increasing population in the ASALs, demand for infrastructure and social services will rise. In addition to this , the available labour force in the ASAL urban areas is also increasing . Therefore, there is need to promote the establishment of labour absorbing enterprises particularly in the informal sector. This will help to check the expected migration to larger urban areas. Policy development and consequent intervention for the ASAL communities should encourage their active participation in planning projects and programmes including proper use and maintenance of sanitation facilities and incorporate social cultural values in their design and management. Similarly, there is a need to strengthen water management funding and capacities in the urban areas and local authorities in order to achieve sustainable livelihoods in the ASALS. 3.6 NATIONAL PRIORITIES IN THE ASAL National priorities for the ASALs are clearly set out in the "Environmental Action Plan for the Arid and Semi - Arid Lands in Kenya" of 1992. These fall under three broad categories, namely (a) Immediate priority, (b) Short-term priority and (c) Long- term priority. a) Immediate Priority: preparation of ASAL to ward off famine that will result from the next expected drought; b) Short-term priority: assistance to existing management economies and practices prevailing in ASAL to make them sustainable; c) Long-term priority: assistance to the ASAL population in their integration into the national economy through diversification of their economies and adaptations of their management systems. This will be accomplished through introduction of appropriate technologies, extension work, pricing policies etc. 4.0 KEY POLICY ISSUES 4.1 Macro Policy issues 4.1.1 Land use policy Land use policy issues relate to the system of laws, rules and regulations and practices that govern the rights and obligations of land owners, particularly the pastoralists in the ASALs. The aims at the achievement of the public interest and ensures optimal use available land to meet the needs of the population. The Kenya's constitution guarantees the right and security of tenure subject to laws and regulations governing the usage laws. Generally, land issues revolve around the specific of land tenure systems which involve consolidation, adjudication, registration and the use to which land may be put. Land rights are sensitive and complex. The major problem arises out of the fact that most of the country's land laws have been borrowed from the British legal system and have been adopted without considering the customary laws governing land tenure and usage particularly among the pastoralists, the pastoralist communities. Most pastoralist communities were operating democratic systems of governance which was based on their environmental perception, cultural adaption and resource availability. Through these consultative civic approach which included council of Elders, the pastoralist communities were able to control the usage of pastoral resources. Included in these were the grazing lands, water resources, forests and salt licks. To-day some of the resources are not accessible to the pastoralists as they have become private or State land. 4.1.2 Water Resources Issues The increase in population and economic development in the high and medium potential areas have increased demand for water thereby decreasing the amount water available downstream for agro-pastoralists and pastoralist. Intensive land use in some districts with ASAL areas have affected the quality and quantity of water flowing in the ASAl sections. Consequently, the livelihood of these ASAL communities depends upon the water resources from the catchments located in high potential areas are threatened. To address to water related problems, the government has completed the National Water Master Plan which spells out the legal and administrative frame work for rural water supply development. Through the District Focus Policy, Community participation in the Planning and implementation of all water related development activities is underscored. 4.1.3 Wildlife issues About 95% of land area under the jurisdiction Kenya wildlife service (KWS) and which include main the National Parks and Game Reserves is found in the ASALs. Loss of grazing land to arable farming and wildlife use have caused conflicts between pastoralists and farmers. The areas surrounding the National Parks form important wildlife dispersal areas. Wildlife compete with domestic livestock for pasture and water resources in the key production areas and sometimes pose security to both human and livestock. Agricultural development and land privatisation in the ASALs have destroyed seasonal grazing and game migration corridors. "The cutting of the migration corridors and wildlife dispersal areas results in the remaining parks and reserves becoming isolated islands with smaller less diverse and genetically poorer wildlife population. The wild animals have treid to go through their tradional migratory paths with massive destruction of property in the already fenced off areas. The Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS) which was established in 1989 was mandated by law to achieve the following three objectives (GOK, 1992:33) a) To conserve the natural environment of Kenya flora and fauna for the present and future generations and as a world heritage. b) To use the wildlife resources of Kenya sustainable for the economic development of the nation and for the benefit of the people living in wildlife areas and; c) To protect people and property from injury and damage caused by wildlife. 4.1.4 Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPS) The major policy issues associated with policy changes as part of SAPS include (a) changes in prices and purchasing poser (b) changes in Terms of Trade and Cost sharing in education and health care delivery system. The SAPs reforms were instituted by the International monetary institutes mainly the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The overall effect of these policy guidelines on the adaptive strategies and livelihoods of the ASAL people are discussed in the next section. Nonetheless, it is important to note that the macro economic changes involving SAPS have a permanent or long term structural changes in peoples' livelihoods. 4.2 Micro-Policy issues These issues areas specific affecting the adaptive strategies of a district or area with similar agro-ecological conditions and socio-cultural or administrative boundaries. In this report, the analysis of micro-policies is confined to Kajiado and Nyambene districts. The major policy issues involve security, land tenure, Livestock versus wildlife, formal education, transhumance, and water resources. These are discussed in the next section dealing with policy impact on Adaptive Strategies. 5. POLICY IMPACT IN ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES 5.1 Land use and land tenure It has already been said that land and water resources in the ASAL areas was traditionally controlled by a Council of Elders. It is these clan elders who through "civic discussions and participatory consultations become guardians and protectors of the general welfare of all the people within a given areas (Ntimama 1995:8). " According to William Ole Ntimama", this noble tradition of sharing the available resources was the basis of their (pastoralists) survival and existence. They had evolved a successful pastoral system" With the advent of colonialism and the introduction of water land tenure and attendant policies put pastoralist communities into endless problems. "The central system of managing the land tenure in the pastoralist areas with total disregard to the traditional and customary norms has resulted in total confusion in land holding and usage. Centralisation, bureaucratization and arrogant professionalism by officials have thrown the whole system of land tenure in the area inhabited by pastoralists into turmoil" (Ole Ntimama 1995:8) The Acts that deal with land matters are sectoral and confusing. In the pastoralist areas some policies have given rise to Group Ranches and privatisation of land which have led to opening these marginal lands to willing buyer and seller. The end product is a class of Maasai people without land, "beggers and refugees in their ancestral lands" Ole Ntimama (1995:8) 5.2 Education "The guiding philosophy on education is that in general, the education system should aim at producing individuals who are properly socialized and who possess the necessary knowledge, skills and values to enable them to pasticipate positively in nation-building (GOK 1989)". To a large extent, the non-formal education met the above philosophy. With the introduction of formal education a number of policies have been put in place to guide the education system by both colonial and independent government. The latest generation of policies affecting the quality of Education in the ASALs are the SAPs which include among things cost-sharing. In the ASALs, recurrent drought has reduced agricultural and livestock products leading to low incomes. When it comes to cost-sharing the communities in the ASALs have found it difficulty to get basic physical facilities due to devaluation and market liberation. The in Nyambene people with 2-10 heads of cattle are now not able to meet their family needs as a result of changes in and purchasing power. We now see a situation whereby cost of goods purchased have risen relative to that value of incomes. These economic changes coupled with effects of the recurrent effect of drought have led to long term changes in livelihoods requiring long-term adaptations (Simano Witz, 1994:4) 6. POLICY SCENARIOS The key policies that will enable Adaptive Strategies to lead to sustainable livelihoods in the ASALs should reflect on the natural resources and environment, employment and human resources development and welfare perspectives. Land, water, vegetation, livestock, wildlife and are human population are the basic resources for development and sustainable livelihoods in the ASALs. Along with these are the supporting socio-economic infrastructural, institutional and capacity building systems. Consequently, policies should address to the above issues. 6.1 Land tenure The introduction of western land tenure system has led to breakdown of the pastoralists adaptive strategies in the resource utilization. As far as the land tenure is concerned, there is a need to put together the sectoral laws and come up with a more harmoneous and comprehensive land law. This in turn, will give rise to land privatisation, percellation. Selling and buying should be discouraged in the ASALs as this has disrupted the adaptive strategies which have always led to sustainable livelihoods. Land laws should have an input of the local communities who had managed their pasture and water resources more sustainably before the advent of Western land tenure systems. 6.2 Water resources Scarce water resources are the main hinderance to the effective exploitation of the ASALs resource. Rainfall in these areas is characterized by low total amounts, strong seasonal concentration and high variability. These features, along with the recurrent drought have weakened the adaptive strategies of the ASAL communities. Policies on water resources should include rain-water harvesting methods (RWH) "RWH is a term embracing a wide variety of different physical techniques that collect surface run-off or subsurface flow within streams. Due to high cost and limited scope of irrigation, RWH is "seen by the Government as the only option for increasing the agricultural production of the drier zones in ASAL, and its promotion will therefore be pursued" (GOK 1992:39). RWH techniques for crop production include catching surface run-off from rainfall with micro-catchments, level bunds, contour bunds, semi-circular and trapezoidal bunds and diversion weirs for irrigation. 6.3 Vegetation Resources Vegetation is another support system for livestock, wildlife and human beings. The vegetation found in the ASAL area include a variety of grasslands, bushlands and some forest cover. Productivity varies greatly in space and time and is closely dependant on rainfall. Reliable data on sources of grass with high productivity are few. Policy formulation for the conservation of vegetation resources should incorporate the indigenous knowledge of the pastoralist communities whose ethno- botany can help identify high productivity grass and vegetation species. Woody vegetation and evergreen forests are found along major river courses as riverine areas and ASAL hills. These multi purpose trees are an important source of fuelwood, building materials, medicinal needs and habitat for wildlife. In short, the policy framework for agro-forestry should be directed at the utilization and further stimulation of large variety of land-use systems incorporating trees, livestock and crops (UNSO 1992:69). The element that should be considered include. • land use planing emphasizing the role of agroforestry in relation to the regional and lang-term aspects of land use; • agroforestry intervention should take into account the present needs of the various group of land users; • institutional arrangements need to ensure that the land use mager is not constrained by unadjusted public institutions, laws and regulations; • putting the real value on tree products and imported substitutes will increase the value of many tree products; • tree crops and products often benefit the lowest income groups in developing countries, such as women and the landless; • forestry regulations in many countries are outdated and prevent people from obtaining the full benefit of their trees. 6.4 Wildlife and Tourism Most of the Kenya's wildlife resources are found in the ASALs. These areas are of spectacular scenery for adventure tourism'. The latter give a sense of wildness something quite rare in the developed countries. The wildlife conservation policy should be geared towards making the communities surrounding the National Parks, Game Reserves and dispersal areas view wildlife as part and parcel of their existence as was in the traditional set up. It is encouraging to note that the Kenya wildlife service has enacted a number of policy guidelines involving sharing of the tourist proceeds with the local communities. These funds are used to construct schools, health centres and improvement of road infrastucture in the areas neighbouring the parks and game reserves. Other good aspects of policy framework aimed at the integration of wildlife into the local economies of ASAL communities include; • evolve management strategies which include wildlife and livestock systems • enable local entrepreneurs to participate in the tourist industry • Encourage fencing of agricultural land to reduce damage to property and injury to people and livestock by the wildlife • Encourage game ranching aid cropping by the ASAL communities. 6.5 Livestock Resources Pastoralism is the important land use and source of livelihoods for the ASAL communities. Due to population immigration from the high potential areas, there has been pressure on supporting ASAL resources and the associated resource degradation. Land use competition between agriculturalists and wildlife; wildlife and livestock, the end product is reduced land resources, overstocking ad the associated land degradation in the fragile ASAL ecosystem. The policy framework aimed at encouraging the range and better production should have the following features (GOK 1992:30): • Encourage traditional range management practices that are in harmony with the environment. • Promote integration of livestock and wildlife including game ranching in order to enhance range utilization and preservation of biodiversity. • Introduce appropriate technologies for mixed livestock/farming, for example, breeding, introduction of appropriate crop species, herd mixing etc. • Promote introduction of camels, improved goats, where appropriate. • Establish fuel/fodder plantation with indigenous and exotic trees species through construction of contour ridges in high potential ASAL areas. • Promote fattening of livestock for dry-season sales through feed lots and sorghum production for fodder. • Reassess group ranches and cooperative as ways of discouraging unviable subdivision of land. • Improve veterinary services through increased para- veterinary training of people from local communities, including nomadic communities. • Improve and expand existing local markets and holding grounds and promote new markets, hold grounds and slaughter houses. • Promote marketing and processing of livestock products, including skin and hide production. • Establish credit facilities for producers and traders, marketing information system, a fund for purchase of animals during drought, ad livestock insurance schemes. • Expand mobile banking facilities • Increase supply depots for inputs and essential commodities. 7 POLICY MONITORING AND EVALUATION 7.1 Introduction Since independence 1963, Kenya has greatly increased its capacity for policy formulation, development planning and programme and project design as well as its ability to implement projects and programmes at national district and local levels. This development scenario requires massive " information and report systems for the purpose of establishing the path traced by policy to determine the extent to which established objectives are being met and whether the aspirations of people in terms of their welfare are being adequately addressed (GOK 1989:40)" 7.2 Indicators for measurement, means and sources of verification In recognition of the fact that the implementation of growth- oriented policies and strategies as contained in the "Sessional Paper No. 1 of 1986 on "Economic management for Renewable Growth" was "costly". The Government prepared a new policy paper on the social Dimensions of Development with safety nets to mitigate against the negative welfare impacts of the adjustment process on the poor and disadvantaged. Some of the negative welfare impacts observed include: • drastic budgetary reductions, especially with respect to expenditures on basic needs and services, has undermined the development of human capital; • across the board credit squeezes tend to lead to serious contraction in the economy with subsequent loss of output and jobs; • drastic foreign exchange rate adjustments and devaluation, This adjustment process, has led to high prices of basic consumption goods, high general inflation rates, the diversion of scarce foreign exchange to speculative activities, capital flight, and the worsening of income distribution; • high real interest rates has the potential to lead to speculative and non-productive investments; and • privatization and parastatal divestiture plus retrenchment of the civil service may lead to the control of key sectors of the economy by non-indigenous interests with the subsequent loss of jobs for local people. It is evident from the fore-going that the adjustment programmes affect welfare of the poor in complex ways and with varying degree of severity. Consequently, the activities under Welfare Monitoring and Evaluation System "should provide information for incorporating the social dimensions of adjustment in national development strategies as well as attempt to link macro-level policy changes to the micro-level distributional consequences. This will be accomplished through "policy relevant poverty profile of the country as a first step in the analytical process (GOK 1994: 285) In order to achieve the above objective, the long=-term objectives of the welfare Monitoring Evaluation should have the following broad elements s contained in GOK (1994: 284-285); • to establish system for monitoring and evaluation the impacts and effects of structural adjustment programmes on human welfare through the development of indicators of the standards of living and extent of absolute poverty; • to strengthen further the existing Central Bureaus of Statistics (CBS) Household Surveys Capability Programme for the collection and processing of data, expand the coverage of the surveys to all administrative districts, divisions and locations, and provide indicators on the standards of living and extent of absolute poverty; • to help establish a framework for identifying the poor and those at risk and provide a framework for intervention policies and programmes, including safety nets, for fencing and implementation by the Government and donor community; • to assist in the establishment of the data gathering, processing and storage capacities at district level for use particularly by District Information Documentation Centres. The following table gives a quick method of selected indicators of livelihoods in the ASALs and means of verification NEODA (1994:10-12) A. GOVERNMENT/POLITICAL MEANS OF VERIFICATIONS 1. Land and policy 1. Policy document and regulations/law 2. Land tenure system 2. Legal framework and development incentives 3. Baseline socioeconomic 3. Baseline study reports information of resources use and yield levels 4. Public participation in 4. Decentralized land use resource development planning planning mechanism and local and utilization and local allocation/use committees B. TECHNOLOGY (physical/chemical) 1. Soil condition 1. Soil tests for various characteristics and productivity levels 2. Topography (land and soil 2. Soil maps and soil potential) loss survey reports 3. Land use/land cover 3. Percentage distribution to different sectors 4. Soil fertility 4. Nutrient and organic matter levels - measurable C. HUMAN DEVELOPMENT 1. Access to land 1. Land tenure system 2. Land conservation perception 2. Socio-cultural studies (interviews) 3. Training needs for land use 3. Surveys/Training needs purposes studies. 4. Role of women in land use 4. Gender studies and legal planning and land allocation provisions and/or practices 5. Access to credit for 5. Financial institutional appropriate land use and credit unions/cooperatives records. 6. Settlement patterns 6. Maps & Geographic (urban and rural) Information System (GIS) Land use planning records. C. HUMAN DEVELOPMENT Indicator Means & Verification 1. Forestry and range Management 1. Existence of training training programmes and number of people/communities trained 2. Sensitization of public in 2. Campaigns and media vegetation/forestry conservation programmes. 3. Role of women in forestry and 3. Women programmes and rangelands management activity reports 4. Schools and youth roles in 4. School curriculum and forestry and rangelands youth programmes D. ECONOMIC 1. Productivity of forests 1. Product types and sustainability (medicine, shelter, timber, wood). 2. Rangeland productivity 2. Biomass produced and number of livestock/animal units and/or wildlife which can be raised - Inventories 3. Contribution of GDP 3. Percentage of sector contribution to GDP revenue accounts 4. Rate of employment in forestry 4. Number of jobs generated sector and livestock rearing by the sector/s, number of people engaged in sectoral industries - employment records by sector. 5. Fuel wood contribution to 5. Percentage of fuel wood in energy sources energy sources - energy and forestry reports. E. GOVERNMENT/POLITICAL Indicator Means of verification 1. Forestry policy and legislation 1. Approved policy document and implementing agency/ies 2. Rangeland management policy 2. Approved policy document and and range regulations implementing agency/ies and committees 3. Public participation in 3. Number of Communities management of forest and involved together with their rangeland committee 8. SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS. 8.1 Introduction The current report has analyzed the acts, laws policies and directives that impinge on adaptive strategies and livelihoods of the inhabitants of the ASALs of Kenya. It has attempted to show, wherever possible, how policy and law as avenues for sustainable livelihoods have facilitated the realisation of the objective or inhabitated the same. The ASALs were examined in national context in terms of the natural resource base and their potential for providing sustainainable ivelihoods for the communities, key policy issues and how they impact on adaptive strategies were discussed. Finally, the policy scenario and policy monitoring and evaluation methods were briefly examined. The basic resources of the ASAL which have a lot of bearing to the livelihoods of the ASAL communties include land, water, vegetation, livestock and wildlife. Contemporary conditions in the ASALs are marked by unpredictable changes in climate, economic conditions and political circumstances. These, together with demographic pressure, have combined to demand rapid adaptability on the part of rural production systems and identification of sustainable indicators of livelihoods. When the existing livelihoods are inadequate there is an urgent need to explore alternative livelihood systems and corresponding supportive policy framework. In particular the broad ASAL policies and programmes, should play play direct attention to the following: • developing the human the human resources and institutional capacities to enhance economic development; • strengthening communities participation on involvement in determining and executing development approaches; • using low-cost and appropriate technologies to increase the general productivity of the area; • diversifying traditional modes of production through mixed farming and introduction of non-pastoral and off-farm activities • improving the delivery of social services and infrastructure and intensification of research on sustainable development of human economic and ecological resources. (GOK 1994:143-144) The following recommendations take into account the foregoing ASAL resources and supportive social, economic and political infrastructural facilities. 8.2 Land and land tenure The increasing land privatisation and land subdivision have led to sub-economic units which cannot support the agro- pastoralists. This process has also blocked the wildlife migratory corridors, for instance between Amboseli and Nairobi National Parks; Aberdares and Mount Kenya National parks with the resultant dverse effects on the species diversity and quality. Land use policy that takes into account the aspirations, socio-cultural and geo political needs of the ASAL communities has to be put in place. 8.3 Water resources Water is life not only for the ASAL communities but also for those living in the humid and sub-humid areas of Kenya. Both surface and ground water resources in the ASALs are limited. Ironically, although what matters in the ASALs is both water"quality" and "quantity" it appears that the latter is comes first. The two parameters of water resources have a direct bearing to the health and general livelihoods of the ASAL communities. It influences the pattern of human settlements and distribution of other economic activities. In order to facilitate the development and distribution of water in sufficient quality and quantity to meet the growing needs of various consumers in both urban and rural areas, the Government policy is to "continue to assess, plan, construct, conserve and operate water supplies through out the country to ensure proper management of water resources with a view to providing safe and clean water for all households within a reasonable distance". The challenge is on how to distribute these water resources evenly so as to reduce over-concentration of ASAL communities into a few points leading to environmental degradation. The development of both surface and underground water sources, small-scale irrigation schemes, use of water harvesting technologies and community participation are cornerstones in the ASALS resource development. 8.4 Vegetation Resources Forestry and woodlands provides a linkage with agriculture, livestock and wildlife sectors. Forests supports agriculture through water conservation and river flow regulation. Forests produce fuelwood, charcoal and such products as honey, gum, food, medicine and also act as habits for wildlife. The degradation of forests and vegetation is generally attributed to illegal cutting trees, overgrazing, fires, excision of forest and attack on cypress by aphid. The vulnerable ecozones are the ASALs which are quite fragile and where fuel wood and charcoal demand are one of the main sources of land degradation in these areas. The policy framework should take into consideration the ASALs which are more vulnerable to environmental degradation in terms of fauna and flora. Research into agroforestry systems and the promotion and conservation of indigenous forests is inevitable. These will definitely require additional financial resources and technical-know how. The indigenous knowledge of the ASAL communities will be invaluable in identifying the drought and pest resistant plant species. Some of the local woody species include Acacia albida, Acacial seyal and Acacial senegal, to mention but a few. 8.5 Livestock The major constraint to livestock production system is the improvement and marketing of aspects. The recommended measures that need to be undertaken to make livestock marketing in the ASALs more profitable as summarized in the (GOK 1994:144-145) include: • Institutional support in developing competitive markets in these areas. • Development of export markets. Kenya is strategically placed to take advantage of the lucrative Middle East market. • Improvement of the trunk and internal roads network and other marketing infrastructure. • Establishment of price monitoring and dissemination service is necessary to provide producers with useful information on prices supply and demand of market stock at the various markets. • There is need to provide financing for the livestock trade in the ASALs. • Generally, livestock production in these areas will be enhanced through balance development in all aspects. • Production of non-conventional livestock will also be a major consideration. 8.6 Energy Resources Kenya depends on three primary sources of energy, namely, woodfuel, crude petroleum and hydroelectric power of these three, woodfuel currently provides 70% of the country's total energy requirements. In the ASALs there is high rate of depletion of forests to produce charcoal and woodfuel for the urban areas. The Government policy on "wood energy is to ensure adequate supply of energy through sustained yield and demand management while protecting the environment (GOK 1994: 91). To meet this objective measures affecting both supply and demand for wood energy have been put in place. These include sustainable production and use of wood energy, promoting widespread adoption of fuel - efficient "jikos" and wood stoves and on-farm energy production methods, increasing the efficiency of wood energy utilization. Its important that the NGOs such as KENGO work hand in hand with Government to produce of improved "Jikos" which are acceptable to local communities in the ASALs. 8.7 Wildlife and Tourism Wildlife and tourism are closely interrelated. Tourism thrives upon touristic resources such aas wildlife and scenery. The Tourism sector is the single leading foreign exchange earning sector in the country. Eco-tourism as been reported in the community reports (Karinge at el)( 1995) has the potential of becoming a moderately useful tool for locally directed and participatory rural development based on a national utilization of Environmental and cultural resources on which tourism is based. Consequently, the Government's "effort are directed towards ensuring community participation with a view to achieving commitment and motivation to the conservation and sustainable use of ecological delicate resources", GOK 1994: 95) This is a good policy objective and as stated elsewhere in this report has a wider appeal among the ASAL communities. 8.8 Dryland Farming The search for sustainable alternative livelihoods in the ASALs include dryland farming. Land shortage and disruption of indigenous land use systems has led to food shortages, and change in diets. The pastoralists communities and the immigrants from the high potential areas are experimenting with the high potential agricultural technologies. There has been little success and environmental degradation has resulted.. Hence, the ASAL farming systems should pursue the development of low-cost outlays of technical packages through Farming systems. Development (FSD) which involve the application of research and drought resistant crops and grasses, agro-forestry and soil and water management techniques initiated by the Katumani National Dryland Research Centre and the International Centre for Research in Agroforestry (ICRAF) Stations both located in Machakos District. 8.9 Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPS) Structural transformation process had many and varied effects on many sectors of the Kenyan economy. As the "Government withdraws from the productive sectors it need to play a more active role in assisting Kenya's who are poor, handicapped or otherwise disadvantaged (GOK 1994: 43). Health care and education which traditionally have been funded out of the general revenue. With increasing population, user charges have been increased in post-primary education and health care. These new reforms have had direct effect the livelihoods of the ASAL communities who are already 'resource poor'. Consequently, there is a need for new policies and programmes which address the social implications of the SAPS, particularly in the ASAL areas. In the final analysis, there is need to encourage the development of alternative and supplementary livelihoods in the ASALs, livelihoods systems that reduce pressure on land based resources. Supportive policy framework is necessary to facilitate the proper exploitation of existing and alternative sources of livelihoods in the ASALs. 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